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Comparable but not equal—as early as the thirteenth century the Orient continued to exercise a spell over the West as the font of worldly goods of highest quality and sensuous magnificence. When it came to ceremonial garb for princes and those in high ecclesiastical office, oriental fabrics were de rigueur. Such fabrics were not limited to hats, capes, chasubles and surplices but were also used for ceremonial heraldic standards and for mitres and altar cloths. Although most examples of orientalist textiles have disappeared or deteriorated, examples of embroidery showing a Chinese-influenced fret pattern exist from the s, and a painting of St Ursula by the Cologne Master shows her in a dress decorated with phoenixes in the Chinese style.

In the latter case the culture is taken up in material signs in a near talismanic way, in which extracted signs— Chinese dragons, multilimbed Indian gods, turbaned men—are saturated with significance so as to embody a particular condition. As Antonia Finnane observes about Chinese clothing, European observers of Chinese clothing from the sixteenth to as late as the nineteenth century are relatively free of an exacting interest in the shape and cut of the garments themselves, that is to say the specifics of Chinese clothing.

The Manchurian period in China that began in the middle of the seventeenth century made numerous distinctions of class and status, which included a dress code for the underclass, such as the servants. Why European observers were reluctant to examine Chinese clothing as something unto itself has much to do with the self-conscious nature of the observer who was ultimately tied in some way to a travelogue. As so many cultural commentators before and after Said have been apt to show, such accounts are invariably an arbitrary arrangement of peculiarities and generalities to be synthesized into a compelling narrative that would ultimately find a wide and profitable readership back home.

The relics they brought back with them were typically the most evocative objects, most suggestive of what was most extraordinary—early forms of its mass-marketed cultural debasement, the souvenir, where extraordinary courts a fine line with banal and in which clothing plays a large and significant part. Indeed, the souvenirs of today are a graphic way of thinking of orientalist fashion in its most extreme sense. After all, locals seldom wear their own souvenirs. It was an orientalism in which the financial interests of the Western empires and the fictitious resonances of the Orient prevailed in equal measure.

What is consistent, however, is the extent to which the Orient inspired envy and exuded an air of hedonism, comparable to the emotions that a city like Paris inspires to the contemporary mind. VENICE Since at least the ninth century, Italy prospered as a secondary producer of silk textiles, thanks to Arab, Greek and Jewish artisans, and was central to the economies of its northern cities, which communicated constantly through trade and war with the Holy Roman Empire, which was the buffer zone between East and West.

In the eleventh century, Venice evolved to become a central nexus between East and West through its policy of putting its naval fleet at the disposal of the highest bidder. It thereby became a market city and an expanding point of trade. It was the best place to obtain sundry luxury goods such as spices and gems, and above all, silks and other valuable textiles. Such commerce helped to establish it as among the richest and most powerful cities in the world. The Venetians were willing travellers, and by the fifteenth century their grasp of the Eastern world was unmatched by any other region in Europe, best reflected in not only textiles but also carpets—and represented by the Bellini family, sired by Jacopo, the first great Western orientalist painter.

Venice was an exciting and motley hub of commercial activity, where representatives of the various Italian states rubbed shoulders with just about every state in Europe, especially the traders: Flanders, France and England. Venice got its silks from the Caspian region of Asia Minor such as Ghilan and Azerbaijan, which were sold in Constantinople. When Turkey came to occupy large tracts of Eastern Europe, this interval of over two and half centuries was marred by repeated territorial conflicts.

The battle of Lepanto in slowed the Turkish advance before they were finally defeated in Earlier, with its defeat in at the Battle of Preveza, Venice had been forced to hand over naval dominance to Turkey. In his. Designs were alternately European or Ottoman, with drawings often sent to accompany orders. A salient example of this cross-fertilization are the velvet kaftans in the Topkapi Palace, which, although long considered a paragon of Turkish weaving are, with the exception of three, wrought by Italian hands.

While there is no surviving evidence of Venetian imitations of oriental carpets, carpets imported mainly from Anatolia had a large influence on Venitian textile designs. Collecting precious textiles continued to be desultory and dwindled off by the beginning of the seventeenth century until a mutual interest was struck between Siam now Thailand and France, who hosted their visit in By this time there was a relatively long but uneven history of Europeans replicating Islamic carpets, which can be traced as far back as the twelfth century, when the Arab geographer al-Idrisi reported that woollen carpets were being made in Chinchilla and Murcia in Spain and exported widely.

In the fourteenth century woven Islamic hangings were prized in Arras. Typically, Venetian merchants obtained their raw silk through bartering the bolts of silk and wool that they had woven, including ribbed cloth, in the manner of the English kersey. By the early-seventeenth century this trade route became ubiquitous, supplying.

As Edmund Herzig finds, in his essay on the Iranian silk industry during this period, by the eighteenth century, Persia Iran had far superseded China as the primary supplier of silk to Europe, making silk the mainstay of its export economy. The overall erratic patterns of trade by the end of the eighteenth century owed themselves to the unreliability of quality and supply; the Levant company was supplied by Armenian intermediaries infamous for diluting high-grade batches. It was not until the nineteenth century, with the introduction of mechanized reeling, that Iran regained some of its footing as an international supplier.

Thus, at the close of sixteenth century, when competition from Italian and French cities such as Genoa and Lyon began to mount, Venice concentrated on the quality of its production over the cheaper, lighter and less expensively dyed counterparts. In Syria in the late-fifteenth century, Venetian silk was among the most costly and most prized. The water- and pedal-powered looms across a steadily industrializing Europe resulted in the export of cloth of middling grade to the Middle East in a volume with which a small state like Venice could scarcely compete.

Nonetheless, until the seventeenth century it remained the main port where one could obtain quality textiles from all over the known world. What the history of the Venetian economy during this period tells us is just how closely enmeshed the Eastern and Western markets were. Venice not only obtained much of its silk from the East but reinterpreted Eastern designs for themselves which they sold back to their Eastern suppliers, a back-andforth movement of trade and reconfiguration that would persist to various degrees until the couture of today.

The Venetian velvets and dyes inspired Anatolian carpet weavers, while in Venice, since the fourteenth century, Ottoman silks were used in furnishing fabrics and sacred vestments, although seldom for secular clothing. Colbert wanted to address the ever-mounting dependence of the Ottoman economy on the Venetian market and to stimulate internal growth by exporting to local neighbours like Russia. He did not wholly. As Raby shows, the costume albums which were a common medium for circulating fashions in Europe until the nineteenth century were, in their early incarnations in the in the sixteenth century, popular amongst both Ottomans and the Venetians.

Many of the editions produced for Europeans were the work of Ottoman artists, with notable exceptions such as the celebrated work in by Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo, which nonetheless had a an entire chapter devoted to Turkish dress. By contrast, the Ottoman interest in European dress was peripheral. It was a time of prosperity in which the Ottoman Empire was receptive to myriad influences that might bolster its own interests.

In turn, the East used anachronism as a virtue in counterpoint to Western progress, which was painted in the same colours as wanton opportunism and decadence. The string of Ottoman conquests and its assertion of power until the beginning of the seventeenth century, as well as the domestic embargoes and ambivalences of trade over centuries, made domestic autonomy in textile production and other luxury goods more exigent for Europeans. By this time the market had become more diverse and consumers more literate in the variety of textiles available, creating a more fragmented economy in which a broader range of producers and consumers could operate.

Lyon certainly had a major hand in this. The kind of threat it posed to the more artisanal Venetian silk weaving is commensurate to the difference today in both perception and truth between garments produced in Italy and those in China. The analogy is not at all throwaway, as fabricants of Lyon were summarily ruthless in bringing down.

Such practices had been forbidden, but the opprobrium was soon drowned out by volume and demand. In the middle of the sixteenth century, as a producer of silk and fustian, Lyon employed over twelve thousand workers. Turkish and Syrian markets suffered from these measures, as did Italy. In the early-seventeenth century the French wealth from its American colonies allowed it to pay in precious metals for silks from Aleppo, which almost brought Venice, reliant more on barter than currency, to its knees.

Furnished by both Eastern and local markets, the loom became one of the symbols of French economic power. Textile production would have grown into an institution rather than an association had not Louis XIV in revoked the Edict of Nantes, sending thousands of skilled labourers, manufacturers and traders, the bulk of whom were Calvinists, into persecution and exile. Burgundy was crushingly debilitated as a result. In Beaune, for instance, the exodus of a sizeable number of its 2, employees occupied in making broadcloth shut down the industry almost overnight.

For clothing and textiles, this bleeding of skilled labour would represent a massive shift in power for the textile industry in Europe and the Ottoman Empire. It also had the inevitable side effect of making France temporarily more popular with its Ottoman and Chinese trade partners, on whom they suddenly became more reliant, albeit to the detriment of the already-ailing treasury.

By the sixteenth century it was the industry on which India depended, connecting it not only to Africa and the Middle East but also to Indonesia and Japan. It was a market economy that brought the products of small hinterland villages to busy distributions centres such as Amsterdam and London via trade epicentres such as Ahmedabad, Surat, Lahore and Agra. Before the establishment of the East India Companies at the beginning of the seventeenth century, trade was a complex series. An historical turning point occurred in England in when an English privateer vessel captured the Portuguese Madre de Dio which was carrying a large cargo of Indian cotton, a plunder that met with a jubilant English home reception.

Indian cotton is also thought to have entered France through Portugal, this time less coercively, and sold in the Foire Saint-Germain from Although of far more mixed fortunes than its counterparts, cotton was more than just a conversation piece. The diversity of its incarnations and uses called for a lengthening litany of words named descriptively after their salient qualities or where they were from: toile peinte, indiennes, chites, surates, and patnas.

In the demand for cotton was enough to warrant India making products expressly for its European markets. By the time bolts of cotton had arrived at their destinations in Turkey and Europe they had passed hands several times, especially when travelling overland. Yet this was a practice that involved risk and incurred cost, incremental with each middleman, making naval trade more attractive. With the discovery of the cape route, the Portuguese became the first Europeans to trade with Asia, yielding healthy profits owing to low costs and high demand.

Sea trade courted its own risks, since pirating was a clandestine industry unto itself. While the East would always be the source of curiosities, cotton was the basis of its trade. Indian cottons were always in demand. By the s England had become alert to the fact that cottons were the material of choice in the African slave trade. One thing is certain: cotton was the sine qua non of commerce in the early-modern world, carving out.

While countries such as Portugal traded actively in textiles throughout India and South East Asia, it was the way that the English harnessed the Indian textile trade to its economy that would have untold historical consequences. The devastation of the French fleet at Gibraltar in left the country permanently crippled and, perhaps more than the destruction of the Spanish Armada in , is a significant turning point for the British imperial domination of the seas, both military and mercantile.

While still in bitter competition with Portugal, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark and France, the British East India Companies that evolved out of the sixteenth century were to become a specific financial bulwark for the growth of its Imperial Empire. England would prove merciless in its dealings with its colonies, especially when its own technology eclipsed its colonial suppliers.

Indian and English weaving industries would continue to go from crisis to crisis until, in the space of fifty years, from around to , the balance of power in textile production had shifted, alarmingly for India, toward Britain. It was a shift that had to be strategically put in motion by the industrial powers of Europe, lest they become restricted by the vicissitudes of outside markets, which they had already observed in the supply of silk. But with cotton, the volume and stakes were considerably higher. Indian chintzes had entered myriad forms of European life: wall hangings, curtains, bedding and of course clothing.

It was simply too much a perceived necessity of life for it to be spirited away with an edict. In France Indian cottons were so plentiful and popular that that on 26 October the controller-general of finance, Lepeletier, took measures to prohibit further Indian fabrics from entering the country. This freeze also extended to the French printers themselves, the tertiary stage of the industry, who were ordered to destroy all their printing blocks. A little more than a year later all printed and painted cottons, irrespective of origin, were banned.

These laws were enforced by yet another in Yet for all the severity of these new laws, such fabrics kept entering the country: the Compagnie des Indes kept unloading cargo, and local artisans kept printing. Unfortunately these restrictions were promulgated at the same time as the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which, as already mentioned, gave good reason for skilled labourers to flee the country.

A beneficiary of the exodus was England, which had begun printing its own cotton by the s and notably in in Richmond, thanks to an exiled Frenchman called Cabannes. Despite inhibiting this fertile tertiary industry, demand within France for decorative cottons continued unabated. A citable instance is when, in the eighteenth century, Mme de Pompadour decorated the Chateau Bellevue with the best indiennes to be found.

The fortunes of English manufacturing were somewhat reversed by the mounting influx of goods from the East India Company, which in precipitated the near collapse of the wool weaving industry. As we have seen, English artisans instructed Indian craftsmen in oriental designs that suited European expectations of what the Orient was, or should be.

The craze for the lighter, more diaphanous, freer muslins and cottons continued to spread, entering into all facets of everyday life.

As Joyce Appleby in her book on the economy of England during this period shows, the free trade in bullion after allowed the East India Company to expand, so that by the annual export figure reached half a million pounds. The Indian cottons were cheaper, looked better, by and large felt better, and, to boot, were infused with exotic novelty. The seer—seen dichotomy allows the East to be open to the need for Western conception, for it to be the object of thought. The English period of Indian colonization is a tangled mesh of exchanges that are all too easily oversimplified in terms of imperialist dictatorship.

This prosperity, more precisely named industrialization, had allowed for the Orient to be produced, replicated and distributed in styles, fabrics and items fans for example at a rate with which the Orient itself could not easily compete. As Joseph Inikori indicates, between approximately and , India was still an able competitor with England in exporting cotton to West Africa.

But by the s, English exports outmarched India more than twentyfold. Curiously enough, since the late-twentieth century these fortunes have reversed, with fashion producers such as Italy and France using the cachet of quality as the only way to compete against the productive might of India and China. The tergiversations of oriental styles were already becoming felt in midseventeenth-century England where Indian chintz had to be modified to suit popular taste. Although this is a somewhat trivial upheaval in the annals of textiles, it does isolate not only the displacement of authenticity within orientalist fashion but also the basic divisions within Indian textile production that eventually calcified into stereotypes.

In the directors of the East India Company returned to their Indian suppliers with the wish that the patterns be placed on a white ground rather than a coloured one. White cotton had always been the default for European cotton. It could not fade and denoted status for those fortunate enough to keep it clean. While white chadors and their equivalents can be found all over the non-Western world, neither Middle Eastern nor Asian clothing was organized along the lines of a coat and a white undershirt that was vestigially visible around the collar and the sleeves. To this day, the West holds to the perception of the Orient as a place where the colours are as vibrant as the passions are unbridled.

It took some time to convince the Indian dyers and printers that patterns on a white ground were more vivid. To many an Indian mind this was a denigration of a vibrant tradition that impelled them to relinquish a craft that had taken centuries to cultivate, their mordants and resists used for fixing dyes. It transpired that the English also preferred their own patterns. But of course, the Indian textile craftsmen, accustomed to their own visual vocabulary, inflected this already highly eccentric style with their own. Heaping irony upon irony, this Indian adaptation of Chinese style became popular with the Chinese, who by the eighteenth century began producing fabrics with the hybridized Tree of Life of Indian provenance.

These are. Yet a Dutch weaver, Van der Bank, made them and the visual details have nothing Islamic about them. Rather the trabeated buildings, fishermen and quaint blossoming trees are far more Chinese in character. Charles had also toyed with the banyan, the forerunner to the dressing gown, to be discussed in the following chapter.

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It will be the vest, I know not well how; but it is to teach the nobility thrift, and will do good. Figure 3 is a drawing in preparation for the famous, flamboyant portrait. Tailors and needle-workers on both sides of the channel quickly emulated these new fantasies. After the French Revolution, when fashions reacted severely to aristocratic excesses, the vest stopped at the waist and so the waistcoat was born.

This reversion is attributed in part to the Treaty of Dover, which renewed English sympathies for the French and gave the English licence to follow Continental fashions more freely. During the same period,. Parisian fashions were themselves undergoing change. Men were beginning to be fitted with a tighter-fitting knee-length coat, the justaucorps, which, when worn unbuttoned, would reveal the waistcoat underneath.

Other evidence also suggests that vests started being worn in Paris at roughly the same time as Charles made his grand entry. For example Louis is credited with bringing in stockings to show off his beautiful dancing legs. Boots were henceforth consigned to the muddy pursuits of hunting and war. Before they were supplanted by those made at home, stockings were first imported from China and painted with sumptuous and charming patterns and motifs. The efforts of Charles notwithstanding, it was Louis who was the inventor of the culture of luxury in Europe and sharpened the notion of absolutism for his present age with ideas about despotism.

Both ideas had strong associations with the Orient, thus unequivocally an essential component of his personal equation. It is ironic to think that a century and half later, oriental references on vests and other garments would be used to signify, by degrees, opposition to it. His chief architect, Louis Le Vau, introduced it architecturally into Versailles in in the form of a small pavilion that was to serve as a retreat for the king and his mistress, Mme de Montespan. Although the Palais de Flore retained its classical idioms, Vau made sure to incorporate a sufficient amount details to make its oriental associations clear: the roof was covered in porcelain tiles and decorated with china urns and birds, rendering it reminiscent from a distance of a Nankin temple.

Despite having no definite beginning, what is evident is that, aside from the adoption of non-Western clothing because of habit orexchange, or just because it was better—the normal process of social acclimatization and improvement—there was more than a single set of power relations that underpinned this tendency. As we have already seen, Said and his epigones treat the adoption of orientalist modalities to use that word, since dress itself is not much mentioned as an expression of Western dominance, its ability to choose and manipulate signs of difference to stimulate and enforce the internal illusion it had of itself.

But this is an Enlightenment idea and more tenable in the nineteenth century, during the heyday of British and French imperialism. One of the factors that allowed imperialism to flourish was the collapse of the Moorish threat, which was brought about by the late-seventeenth century. Up until then, the Ottoman Empire was held up by many princes and monarchs of Europe, most notably Louis XIV, as the paragon of absolute rule, whose tyranny was meritorious based on its perceived social stability.

Since the Orient was remote and obscure to most people, it was a convenient, and malleable symbol of an external threat, easy to emulate and easy to pervert. Oriental styling in which China, Turkey and Persia were abridged and anthologized came together with more rigorous pursuits of the French and English to get to know their non-Western neighbours. It is well known that Chinese philosophy enters into the considerations of Malebranche and Leibniz, but less well known is the extent of the infiltration of Indian, Ottoman and Chinese literature into the mainstream.

No text, according to Nicholas Dew, had the same effect on its period. To celebrate the occasion in , the Turkish ambassador paraded the Louvre in a golden gown followed by scarlet-clad attendants. The Masque of Blackness, as it was called, cast the queen herself and her ladies as blackamoors, a popular disguise of the time.

Inigo Jones designed the scenery and the costumes, in which the women were dressed as Ethiopian princesses. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, masques and carrousels had evolved into social spaces where courts could display their expansiveness and their imperial dominion, whether they really had it or not. Much in the way that Walter Scott, William Morris and the Pre-Raphaelite painters selectively rebirthed the Middle Ages to suit their whim, the Orient was recreated as a glittering fairytale.

The participants were dressed in bright greens and blues, and bedecked with feathers and gems. As we have already seen, Louis XIV excelled at such spectacle, which he harnessed to extraordinary effect to consolidate his power. A carrousel for the dauphin was festooned with treasures from the Indies. Then, in , the theme for the carrousel was the conflict between the Abencerages and the Zegri. Fashion, together with the intricately encoded movements and mores of courtly life, become the primary means by which status and rank could be asserted. It was an important vector in his court to regulate the privileges that were carefully meted out and intricately systematized.

When it came to dressing up in oriental clothing, this was very much a conceit reserved for a highly privileged social environment. The upper classes did not publicly transact their worldly affairs dressed as a Turk or a Mandarin, rather this form of deportment was reserved only for those who could not only afford costly imports and the kinds of fabrics—high-grade silks in particular—demanded by this kind of dress, but also the leisure to do so.

Oriental clothing, a highly fluid yet unambiguous signifier of fashionable excess, became a mechanism by which aristocrats could participate in courtly play while also affirming their own arbitrary privileges. As she maintains, Colbert was responsible for reforming the underperforming silk industry, to the distinct benefit of the middle classes. Lyon eventually matched Venice as a textile hub, exporting throughout Europe, including England. But Lyon was more the exception than the rule.

He set up all kinds of industries that cost more than they were worth. He created an East India Company without possessing the necessary funds and not realizing that the French—impatient by nature—would never have the constancy to put money into something for the space of thirty years without gaining any profit from it.

One of the many effects of this visit was the introduction of la siamoise, light, striped linen, to French fashion. French silk manufacturers immediately began making a version of this garment. But this proved short-lived; cotton and linen proved more satisfactory, and siamoises were printed with wide stripes in vivid colours. Grand Seigneur chinois. The dancer, Des Moulins, dressed as a pagod then executed a pas seul which was said to be most droll. At the entry of the young Duchesse de Bourgogne, in whose honour the party was given, all twenty pagods, animate and inanimate, nodded their heads in unison to greet her.

The napkins and the table-cloths were of oriental stuffs, the plates were of porcelain; indeed this collation seems to have been the Chinoiserie banquet par excellence. The postlude to this opulence came a couple of years later, when a figure dressed as the Emperor of Cathay was presented on a palanquin supported by thirty China-style courtiers. One can only assume he was a ubiquitous autocrat of the same genus as Louis himself.

He designed the masque costumes and theatrical settings as well as hair, jewellery, fans, literally the gamut of material attributes responsible for the seventeenth-century concept of glamour. But as Hugh Honour states, conceits in special dress took a little longer to take hold outside of the court. It is common for architecture, decorative arts and accouterments to fall in lockstep with one another. The gaining interest in the seventeenth century in building oriental pavilions, gazebos and pagodas as garden retreats, microcosms of Eastern journeys, was one of a series of mounting trends that would begin to take root in the following century.

And with an eye on their competition in Dresden and Delft, Nevers and Rouen produced white and blue faience. As Joan DeJean suggests, one of the ways Chinoiserie was popularized outside the court was through the antique sellers, where Chinese furniture and decorative items began to be seen among the usual furnishings, paintings of questionable merit, bric-a-brac, bibelots and bronzes.

The juxtaposition only heightened their foreignness, which was certainly attractive in an age where to distinguish oneself from the crowd was a growing virtue. Their rapid popularity, coupled with the almost universal ignorance of meaning, style or provenance, made these items easy fare for copiers. Other sources were Japanese lacquers and, as suggested earlier, Indian printed cottons. It is worth remembering that this was not an era in which anything resembling cultural propriety held sway, this was simply a matter of economics and survival, no different from the way in which South East Asia thinks nothing of ripping off Western prestige brands today.

By the end of the seventeenth century, the market was full of such objects, originals mixing with fakes, to the extent that experts are still apt to be confused. Turquerie was almost as pervasive and just as vague, encapsulating themes from fashion to drama that were, by process of elimination, neither Western nor Chinese.

The popularity of fans rose at a similar rate to lacquers among the ranks of the nobility, going from curiosity to necessity. They came via the Portuguese and subsequently the Dutch and English East India traders, although by the end of the seventeenth century English artisans had begun to turn their hand to making them as well. Despite documents that suggest that fan-makers were active in the mid-late-sixteenth century, during the time of Henry IV, they were not common until the eighteenth century to be discussed in more detail in the following chapter.

Both men and women made use of fans, as they did of paper parasols, the forerunner of that accessory essential for the English gent, the umbrella. Not as salutary and far less fiscally practical was the trend for wearing large diamonds in the hair and garments. It was a practice, exceptional in the East, made the rule by Louis and his court—yet another measure of weeding out the middling from the truly privileged.

Fluttering coloured fans and glittering gems would have been a dazzling spectacle that had its optimal setting in the Galerie des Glaces, the great hall of mirrors at Versailles. Contemporary accounts attest to this breathtaking spectacle. The love—hate sartorial drama between France and England would continue to gain momentum, with oriental fabrics and styling maintaining a vital role.

See, mademoiselle, how that goes well with your Chinese-style hairstyle, your mantle of peacock feathers, your petticoat of celadon and gold, your cinnamon bottoms and your shoes of jade. He took his place calmly: but he cut such a poor figure in his turban and oriental robe, looked so gauche in his unsuitable costume, that he very soon retired to take it off, and never since did he feel tempted to make a second appearance in this masquerade. It is one of the great ironies or conveniences of this topic that the famous boutique of the French eighteenth-century seamstress Rose Bertin, who is widely regarded as the first couturier, was called Le Grand Mogul, named after the Muslim dynasty that ruled most of India from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries.

It also implied a step beyond the pseudo-Chinese and Turkophilic amusements of Louis XV and sounded a note of triumph against the spate of sumptuary laws since the previous century that forbade access to printed Indian cottons. Even more than that, the reference to the exotic was the natural way for Bertin to suggest that she had a venturesome esprit that fed into her design; for even if the designs of the clothes were not overtly oriental, the fabrics and the patterns, visibly or through patterns of trade, definitely were.

She would certainly have been making the most of the Eastern reference, since one of the most prestigious silk sellers in Paris was called the Grand Turk. Her boutique was lined with ravishing and tempting produce which, although for women, drew liberally from the myths of sybaritic Eastern tyrants, who spared. The Orient was also elusive, remote, the shifting signifier par excellence that could be invoked as a promise of something daring.

By the time of the early- to mid-eighteenth century, fashion had evolved beyond social mores and conversation to become topical: it was a conversation piece, a rite of passage, a social indicator—it was news. Tellingly, both the French nouvelle and English service, product for this concept reflect the characteristics that fashion must obey for its subsistence, namely newness.

In eighteenth-century England and France, various currents of orientalism, incipient in the previous century, had become more explicit. Orientalism in product, form, sign and clothing became far more of a feature of everyday upper-class life. Similarly, masquerade, which had its roots in the Renaissance, became all but obligatory for all kinds of eighteenth-century parties, to the extent that ornate disguise can be seen both literally and metaphorically to mark the era. With French manners predominant, courtly life throughout Europe was increasingly governed by appearances, with masks both metaphoric and physical.

Here oriental costume played a crucial and conspicuous role. Oriental textiles had become normative. It was a fact of life. By now, the Mogul invoked by Mme Bertin had been supplanted by textile mills in England and France, severely denting the Indian economy and altering the terms of trade. Orientalism also made its presence felt in informal dress, in particular, with the dressing gown. Bertin, smiling, ' will you not tell me the reason of your pre- occupation? But if he was satisfied with the dressmaker, he certainly was not satisfied to be obliged to accept her offices, and not pleased to wear feminine clothes which Rose's girls made so hurriedly for him.

During this time Mme. Barmant boned stays for him, and Rose Bertin superintended the making of his costume. But as he was long in returning, she told him that his presence was indispensable for trying on, and he decided to return to Versailles. That was, as he wrote in the papers which have been preserved, October 22, , that he ''put on his robe of innocence to appear at Versailles, as he had been ordered by the King and his Ministers " a week after his return from Burgundy. The dress he wore was a black dress, " a mourning robe," as he wrote to the Comte de Vergennes, and as the editor of the English Spy agrees : " She was dressed in black, as a widow of the secret of Louis XV.

Her throat was covered up to her chin, so that no one should remark on it. Never will silk skirt or gold or silver thread, although made by Mile. Bertin, console me. Bertin, however, did not remain the regular costumier of the Chevalier, who, with rather a modest income, found it better to employ a person with more reasonable prices, known as Antoinette Maillot, whose address in Rue Saint Paul, Paris, was given to him by the wife of one of his old friends, M. Falconnet, a lawyer. D'Eon, who was not elegant, preferred low prices to the reputation of the Queen's great dressmaker. He only followed the fashions at a distance ; he was not the person to change his dress perpetually, and new inventions interested him but little.

The first was a snake, so perfectly imitated that in a committee meeting held at the house of Mme. Adelaide, it was decided not to adopt this ornament, as it was likely to upset people's nerves. The maker then decided to sell it to foreigners only, who were anxious to obtain our novelties ; it had been proposed to advertise it in the papers, but the 86 ROSE BERTIN Government, prudent and circumspect, forbade it. Crowds went to see it out of curiosity. Rose Bertin sent one to Stockholm, to the address of Desland, valet, and hairdresser to the Queen of Sweden.

It cost 72 livres. And Marie- Antoinette's confidence was a better advertisement for her than the dolls dressed in the newest fashions which she sent out to foreign cities. That is why Mme. Du Barry at the end of her reign — that is to say, during the last years of the reign of Louis XV. Du Barry, having been dressed for some time by Beaulard, turns to the Queen's dressmaker. They begin on February 4, S, and go on to Du Barry was a faithful customer.

However, although the first of the papers bears the date February 4, , it is probable that Mme. Du Barry had been exiled to Pont-aux-Dames fi:om May 10, , to March 25, ; then she withdrew to Saint- Vrain, near Monthlery, and it was in October, , that she was permitted to return to Paris. It is then evident that Mme. Du Barry found it well to seek the favour of Rose Bertin, whom everyone knew to be on such good terms with the Queen. In a note of things supplied by Le Normand et Cie. Du Barry under the date of we read: Sent to Mlle.

Sent to Mlle. So Mme. Du Barry paid by little presents for the favours of the great dressmaker. The visits she paid to the Rue Saint-Honore made her feel young again, taking her back to her early days, to the time when, before she had gained the favour of a King by a life of adventure, she was a simple employee in the firm of a dressmaker of the period. The bills presented by Rose Bertin to Mme. Du Barry in the years which followed, according to the entries which we still possess, amount to the following sums : Livres.

From February 4, to October 24, Du Barry. We find, in fact, in a memoradum of the things supplied by Le Normand et Cie. Bertin, according to the acknow- ledgment of Mme. This goes to prove that the memorandum beginning February 4, , was not the first debt contracted by Du Barry with the dressmaker of the Rue Saint- Honore.

In glancing through these notes, it will not be uninteresting to notice some of the articles which are designated therein, and which will give us the price-list, as it were, of the first dressmaker of the time. First of all we find, on October 25, , a large hat of white straw, with brim turned up on both sides and bound with blue and white fluted ribbon MME.

That is really not very dear ; what do our society ladies think? On December 25, , a large cloak of two taffetas, white half- sarcenet, a trimming of striped English gauze, brocaded in chenille, 42 livres. Things had not yet become a madness. On January 5, , a large hat of white straw, turned up with nut coloured ribbon, a bow of the same spotted ribbon, a plume of seven fine white feathers with fine aigrette in the middle, livres.

Here the price has gone up, but the feathers and the aigrette had to be found. It is also remarkable that the hat was straw, and supplied in the depth of winter. The milliner also supplied toilette accessories. On February 2, , she sent, for a " head-band," one ell and a half of wide pink and white spotted satin ribbon at 3 livres for 4. And among details of a present made to Mme. A head-dress trimmed with crape and spotted with puce velvet, two rows of pleats of fine silk lace, high with straight border and ribbon behind, 72 livres. The relatively low price asked for '' a large cloak of black taflfetas, lined and trimmed with wide lace on spotted tulle with straight edge," is astonish- ing.

This Avas delivered December 6, , and cost livres. Also English straw hats sold June 30, , at 8 livres each. But here is the description of a costume delivered January 20, , and the price of which is very much higher, we find in the first memorandum kept in the Bibliotheque Nationale : " The trimming of a blue and silver dress, large puffed pleats all down the front in Italian gauze, edged with big ruchings of cut crape, a garland of silver rope placed over the puffs, each separated by bunches of golden wheat-ears, and fastenings, in cat- kins of blue stones mixed with white pearls, placed each side of the drapery ; the fi'ont of the petticoat entirely covered with Italian gauze, a large flounce at the bottom, a foundation of silver lined with plain crape and edged with fringe, a large garland of gold corn-ears placed over the flounce in shape of shells tied by silver ropes, and by a double acorn of gold and silver, the heads set in stones ; trimmed with firinge cuffs, livres.

But Du Barry also economically made use of dresses already worn, which she had altered, and we read in Mile. Independently, we say, of these things and of former deliveries, the account of Mme. Here is a copy of what Mme. Memorandum up to February 26, Received by M. February 5, 3, May 30, 3, May 17, 1,, It seems that Rose Bertin was not able to clear off her account with the celebrated Countess, and the Revolution following, the knife of the guillotine which took the head of her customer cost her 40, francs, and besides the payments mentioned above we find no proofs of any other payments made by Mme.

But it is interesting to acknowledge that we find no trace of this credit among the papers arranged after the death of Rose Bertin by Grangeret, the lawyer to her heirs, whose collection of unpaid accounts in the possession of M. Doucet has been placed courteously at our disposition. Du Barry were suppressed after payment by the lawyer prosecuting. We wished to give an idea of the expenditure of Mme. Du Barry in the years succeeding her splendour, after the death of Louis XV. We will now take up our subject where we left it — that is to say, in the year The sea-victories of and caused the head-dresses to be called Boston, Philadelphia, Grenada, d'Estaing, and Belle-Poule.

The fight in which this ship distinguished herself under the command of Chaudeau de la Clochetterie was on June The fashions changed incessantly ; that was the feature of the eighteenth century. La Bruyere wrote : " One fashion no sooner destroys another fashion than it is abolished by a newer one, which in turn gives place to one which will not be the last ; such is our frivolity. It is composed of an ostrich feather with an aigrette of diamonds placed on the left side of the head, a cerise satin ribbon in the hair, with a pearl ornament falling as a drop on the forehead.

This same work contains also a print engraved by Dupin after the drawing by Le Clerc, and represent- ing a " dressmaker carrying goods to the town. We will borrow the description from the " Gallerie des Modes " : " A large hood of black taffetas with brim turned back, trimmed with gauze, covers her head, and hides a part of her charms from the greedy eyes of passers- by ; but her cloak is arranged to show her figure to the best advantage. She is clad in a simple dress trimmed with the same material, of which the flounce is also made, and lifted up behind in the shape of a polonaise.

This amusing definition gives some idea of what distinguished the milliner in the eighteenth century. But Rose Bertin having become celebrated was certainly not dressed in such a modest fashion. They say that when she was at the height of her celebrity the Comte d'Artois, after- wards Charles X. After her adventure with the Due de Chartres, it is not astonishing that the haughty milliner sent the Comte d'Artois back to his stables. However, this succession of Princes of the blood all interested in the beauty of Rose Bertin permits us to believe that, perhaps for a kind word spoken one day by the Prince who had easy manners, Rose boasted more than she ought.

There are so many ways of cultivating the little flower of vanity. In any case she was at the height of her influence and reputation at the Court, and she was careful to compromise neither, which were certain to satisfy the passing fancy of the Princess, whose conquests did not pass for virtue. She knew the value of her credit. Speculating on the influenoe which she had with the Queen, it often happened that people addressed the milliner to beg her ta place the favour desired before the Queen ; and she agreed willingly, very happy, in reality, to be thought important.

In Marie- Antoinette, expecting her confine- ment, ordered a kind of loose dress called " Levite. The skirt was lengthened, and a belt was formed by a draped scarf. Rose Bertin was able to get a sensation of satis- faction from the feeling of authority she had acquired over the Queen. She had long and frequent con- versations with the Queen, who gladly consulted her, and confided in her even in matters quite foreign to dress.

Marie-Antoinette awaited her confinement with apprehension, and told her fears to Mile. This was a delightful journey for Rose, this return to Picardy, which she had left with so much goodwill and courage and uncertainty fifteen years ago. The journey to Abbeville cost 36 livres ; the coach left every Friday at half-past eleven at night.

Rose, having retained her place in the coach, set out from Paris. We may believe that she slept the first hours of the journey, well protected from the night air, and soothed to sleep by the rhythmic sound of the horses' hoofs and the tinkling of their harness bells. The coach left Paris by the gate of la Chapelle, passed Saint-Denis and Luzarches, and on summer nights reached Chantilly as the first streaks of dawn appeared in the sky.

Now and again, as the driver stopped to change horses, the weary passengers could get down to walk about, or repose themselves in the guest-room of some inn, the White Horse, of the Golden Sun, and admire the fantastic wall-paper and hundred knick-knacks. Then, as it passed along the country road bordered by trees, Rose closed her eyes : her mind went back fifteen years, to the day when she had passed along this same road, and a fugitive smile of pleasure played upon her lips.

On the top of the coach the case containing the precious dress was safely stowed away, with the rest of the great dressmaker's luggage, who thought of the time when, on leaving Abbeville, all her worldly goods could be packed into a narrow cheap little trunk and a modest cardboard box which she care- fully held on her knees. The coach reached Clermont at midday, where the travellers dined, and then went on to Amiens, passing through Breteuil.

At Amiens the passengers passed the night at Berny's, Rue de Beauvais, and the coach restarted next day for Abbeville, passing through Picquigny and Flixecourt in the Somme Valley. The terminus was in the Rue Saint-Gilles, so full of souvenirs for the young Abbevilloise, and the office being in charge of the same Mile.

Tevenart who was there when Rose left the country. The dress which the Queen had sent her to tit on the Madonna at Monflieres was valued at livres. According to the manuscripts of M. Marie- Antoinette's prayer had been heard : she had been happily delivered of a daughter, on December 19, This was Madame Royale, the future Duchess of Angouleme.

Marie Antoinette

Having accomplished her mission, Rose left Abbe- ville, and returned in haste to Paris, where her presence was indispensable to the interests of her establishment. The return journey was similar to the outward one : the coach left Saint-Gilles on Sunday at midday, and reached Paris, Rue Saint-Denis, on the morrow at six o'clock at night. Bertin, as an offering from Marie- Antoinette, has unfortunately disappeared, and cannot be traced. Did the idea come from this journey, we wonder? The Comtesse de Salles ordered one on November 24, at the moderate price of 9 livres.

The gift of a bonnet or hat bearing the mark " Grand-Mogol" was a welcome and gracious present. Thus, on one occasion the Marquise de Tonnerre made a present to the Marquise de Bouzol of a white hat, turned up at the back, lined with taffeta, edged with white and green ROSE BERTIN ribbon, and with large bows of the same, which cost 18 livres, and gave the Comtesse d'Equevilly a demi- honnet of gauze and blonde lace, worth 36 livres. The day that the Queen made her entrance, the milliner at the head of her thirty work-girls took up her post on her balcony.

Bertin,' and at the same time made her a sign, to which Mile, Bertin replied by a profound curtsy. The King rose and clapped his hands — another curtsy ; all the Royal Family did the same, and the courtiers, aping their masters, did not fail to bow as they passed. So many curtsies fatigued her, but the distinction was a marvellous comfort, and greatly increased the repu- tation she already enjoyed. No doubt the King himself was not altogether sincere, being chiefly anxious to please the Queen, and perhaps anxious to turn her thoughts to Mile.

Bertin' s art, less costly than gambling, to which she was too much given. Nothing but frivolous subjects appealed to the Queen's childlike brain. Bertin, her dressmaker, special favour. At Marly lately she ordered the Due de Duras to find her a place at the theatre, and this nobleman acquitted himself of the order in a way calculated to excite the jealousy of other women.

It is true that the Queen, who enjoyed acting, but who acted very badly, had great trouble in getting an audience, as everyone tried to find an excuse — so much so that on one occasion she ordered the Suiss guards to attend, and to take their place during the play. Rose Bertin, indeed, considered herself indispen- sable. Her shop was also always full, and the most brilliant clientMe flocked to it. All the nobility of France and all the members of the diplomatic service were among her customers.

The wife of the Russian Plenipotentiary, Princess Baratinsky, among others, dealt with her, and was one of those whose bills were not paid. She owed about 15, livres, and Rose received 1, on account from Prince Baratinsky. The balance for which she held the Princess's note of hand was lost ; according to Russian law, debts of more than ten years' standing cannot be recovered legally, and the bill was never paid. On all sides customers flocked to her, and even the name of Vestris, the famous dancer, surnamed the God of Dance, who was still at the Opera, is to be seen in her books.

The Baronne de Montviller, daughter of Mme. Her work at Court became more and more absorb- ing, and at the instigation of Mme. Campan the famous Beaulard, who for a long time had been skil- fully manoeuvring to gain favour with the Queen and her suite, was made her official collaborator. Beaulard, her active and redoubtable competitor, was Rose's nightmare, to whom nevertheless she had to be agreeable. Rose certainly had done all she could to get the better of this enterprising competitor, and was very mortified that she did not succeed.

Never- theless she was sufficiently diplomatic to disguise her displeasure from Mme. Campan, who had to be skil- fully managed. Campan had become one of the four first ladies of the bedchamber of the Queen. There was no end to the ever-changing toilettes, and the Queen and Mme. Campan really thought that Mile. Bertin might one day find that she was unable to cope with the orders given, and prepared in fevered haste in the Rue Saint-Honore, and dresses expected on a certain day would not be delivered. He brought Her Majesty an artificial rose, a perfect imitation, which exhaled a delicious perfume.

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The Queen was delightedly looking at it, when Beaulard called her attention to a spring hidden in the calyx. The Queen pressed it, and immediately the half-blown rose opened, dis- closing a miniature portrait of His Majesty. The Queen took upon herself to effect a reconciliation ; the matter became as important as an international case of arbitration. After lecturing her dressmaker, and representing that the incident had not been in any way prejudicial to her, since she kept her title of " dressmaker to the Queen," and that her orders had not decreased, she succeeded in convincing Mile.

Rose, who consented to make her peace with the Princesse de Lamballe and to renew business relations with her. The era of eccentricities, however, was nearing its end. Without losing her taste for dress, the Queen modified the fashion of her toilettes. It was an abrupt change. It has been said that as the woman gave place to the mother her taste became more simple. This may have been the reason for the change, of which we find mention in Mme. Campan's memoirs. She wore the simplest of hats, and her diamonds were never taken out of their cases save on the days I have mentioned.

The Queen was not yet twenty-five, and began to fear already that she would be made to wear unwisely flowers and ornaments, which at that time were left to the very youthful. Bertin having brought her a wreath and necklet of roses, the Queen tried it on, and expressed a fear that the bloom of the rose would be trying to her complexion. She was in truth too severe on her- self, as her beauty had suffered no change, and one may easily imagine the concert of praise and com- pliments with which her fears were answered.

Approaching me, the Queen said she would rely on my judgment as to when the time was come to refrain from wearing flowers. It was at Versailles that was realized one day the gipsy's prediction that Rose's train would be carried at Court. It was realized, however, in a very comical fashion. Rose's footman who usually accompanied her to the palace had left, his place being filled by an honest country fellow, recommended to her by a friend, a certain M.

Moreau Desjardins, a lace- merchant of Chantilly, who had the man's brother in his employ. The poor man straight from the country was quite lost in Paris, and, on being told that he was to accompany mademoiselle to Court, was com- pletely overwhelmed, and felt twice as awkward as he really was.

He confided his fears to the lady's-maid, who had other fish to fry than to offer consolation to a provincial footman. He did it. There were other carriages at the palace when Mile. He watched the other footmen ; great ladies got down from their carriages, he saw the noblest ladies in France pass before him, followed by the most elegant of footmen. When Rose's turn arrived, she jumped lightly to the ground and began to go up the staircase. She quickly noticed that she was attracting a good deal of unusual attention ; people looked at each other in amazment, and some seemed on the verge of uncontrollable laughter, and they were not the most impertinent.

Astounded, Rose stopped, realizing that she was being laughed at, and, on turning round, found that her rustic footman was carrying the train of her dress as the footmen of Duchesses and Marchionesses had done for their mistresses. Smiles and laughter wounded her self-love, but at the same time there was satisfaction in remembering that the gipsy's prediction had come true. She saw her- self again on a winter's day in her black dress, un- packing the ornaments of the Demoiselles de Bourbon, and Avarming her feet at the fireplace of the Princesse de Conti, and then glanced at herself in the mirrors of the great gallery of Versailles, where the most secret apartments were open to her, and where she could cross without delay the antechambers where great ladies waited their turn for an audience.

It was therefore not without a certain pleasure that a few minutes later, in the Queen's cabinet, she told the tale of the prediction of her childhood at Abbeville, and its realization ; the Queen laughed no ROSE BERTIN heartily, and on the King's entrance, having heard the tale, he joined in the mirth. Rose could not only admire herself in the mirrors of the great gallery, she could also admire her handiwork in the paintings on the walls, as, for example, when she passed before the portrait of the Queen painted by Mme.

Yigee-Lebrun in , in which the great painter had immortalized some of the creations of the Rue Saint- Honore. This portrait was the first of the Queen painted by the celebrated artist ; there are two copies, as Mme. Yigee-Lebrun tells us in her souvenirs, one of which is still at Versailles. She was then in all the splendour of her youth and beauty. It was then that I painted the portrait of her with a large basket, dressed in a satin dress, and holding a rose in her hand.

The portrait was intended for her brother, the Emperor Joseph II. Rose Bertin, how- ever, lost nothing of her reputation, and was still BiblioUiique So. One summer day in , when the Court was at Marly, she was present in the theatre Avhen the Queen noticed that she had not a very good place, whereupon she sent for Marshal Duras, who was Master of Ceremonies, and told him to find her dressmaker a better place, which he did with great eagerness and gallantry.

Comtesse de Ears speaks of the incident, however, with a certain bitterness : " The appearance of that woman at the castle was an event. The best place at the theatre was reserved for this grisette, who was conducted to it by the Due de Duras, Master of Ceremonies, who led her by the hand.

The subject of the remark would have died of rage had she heard it. Marie-Antoinette had returned to her passion for acting. The year closed with the death of the Empress Maria- Theresa November The Court naturally went into mourning, which occasioned a great deal of work to the Queen's outfitters. Rose Bertin's character was not calculated to please her exacting clients.

Even the persons of the Queen's own household had difficulty in bearing with her. Campan severely criticizes her in her memoirs. Bertin," she says, " took ad- vantage of the Queen's kindness to display great pride. One day a lady went to her establishment to buy certain articles of ajDparel for the Court mourning for the Empress.

Several things were shown her, which she refused. Bertin exclaimed thereupon, in a tone of anger and self-sufficiency : ' Show madam the last samples of my work with Her Ma;jesty. Campan's criticism is harsh, but well deserved. The anecdote went the round, several writers speak of it, and we find it given by the writer who continued Bachaumont's " Memoires Secrets," under the date January 4, In fact, Rose could speak of nothing but her collabor- ation with the Queen. She spoke of it to all comers boastingly ; people laughed, but she gave little heed to that.

In a statement of expenses drawn up for the years and by Randon de la Tour, Treasurer of the Households of the King and Queen, we find the following note appended : " The supplementary expenses of the wardrobe, which in amounted to 37, livres, amount in to 84, livres, an increase of 46, livres. The sum is considerably higher than I could wish ; but the feasts given for the Count du Nord, and the arrangements I had made for the visit to Marly, which was to have taken place last autumn, compelled me to exceed the limits I had laid down.

I beg you will please to inform the King of these details, when requesting his orders for the payment to me of a supplementary sum of , livres, which I require to pay this year's bills. Overwhelmed as she was by work for the Queen, Rose was necessarily compelled to neglect sometimes other clients, and her arrogance when reproached caused her to lose more than the customer. Bertin s head," writes the Vicomtesse de Ears, who was one of those who had little love for the dress- maker.

He died in , and his name was the pretext for a new style of hat. Picot, first workwoman of the establishment, and paid in advance by my friend, who left giving her address. Two hours later a servant dressed in green livery with gold braid brought back the money left for the hat, with a note from Mile. Charlotte was " a very skilful, intelligent, and, above all, enterprising worker," says the " Memoires Secrets," " who, realizing her talent, set up for herself, and soon robbed her former mistress of the majority of her clients.

Bertin, therefore, and raised an altar against her altar. It is related in this book that Mile. Picot circulated a story among the scandal-loving ladies who frequented her shop, that " Mile. Bertin, at the time when the King's Household had been dismissed by the Comte de Saint-Germain, had not troubled to reform a grey musketeer, whose maintenance had already been very costly, not only because of his five feet seven and a half inches, but also because of his habit of losing eight or ten louis every evening at faro, to which habit he added that of beating Mile.

Bertin had been the subject of scandal- mongering tongues is not surprising ; the contrary would have been surprising at a time when loose morals were general, and when pamphleteers spared neither the Queen nor any prominent person. But it is quite incredible that the arrogant milliner would have tolerated such treatment as is described by the author of the " Souvenirs de Leonard. Bertin was most exasperated with Mile. Picot, they should meet in the gallery at Versailles. Bertin spat in her enemy's face and insulted her.

A lawsuit followed, and on Monday, September 3, judgment was given against Rose Bertin, who was sentenced to pay 20 livres as alms and all the costs. Bertin, her dressmaker, is well known, caused a letter to be written to M. The case has been, therefore, remanded for a week. After dinner the petitioner went into the gallery of the castle to walk about and see the effect of the dresses. Bertin, dressmaker of Paris, Rue Saint- Honore, facing Saint-Honore, accompanied by two young ladies, walking in the gallery. Procedures de et Registre des Audiences de See also " Un Moment d'Humeur de Mile.

Conard, Versailles, Bertin, seek- ing an opportunity of insulting her, seized that moment to spit in petitioner's face. It was committed in the Castle of Versailles, in the room facing the Queen's apart- ments — that is to say, at a spot where everything brings the Royal Family, and the respect due to them, to one's mind ; for which reason it is absolutely necessary that measures should be adopted to prevent a recurrence of such a scandal, which can only be eflfected by imposing a severe penalty.

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On the other hand, to spit in a person's face is to show the greatest contempt for that person. The petitioner, who did not expect such an insult, fainted and lost consciousness, and would have perished but for the ready assistance of persons near her. It was not, indeed, until half an hour later that she recovered consciousness, and was able to leave the gallery of the castle, and to return to her cariage, and thus to Paris.

Bertin, for which reason she has recourse to your authority. In answer to Mile. Picot desires to cover with shame her to whom she owes her existence and position. How shall I find words to express the horror such an action inspires? I will not try — I pity her ; but I owe it to justice, to the public who esteem me, to the great who honour me with their protection and kindness, and above all to myself, to defend myself from an accusation so atrocious, so false, and, I dare to say it, so incredible.

Bertin to Mile. Picot, a history unimportant in itself, but throughout which the greatest names in France have a place, we will limit ourselves to the principal fact and defence. I despise her absolutely, I admit it — it is but what she deserves. I met her about six o'clock in the evening: of the 15th of last April, in the room giving on to the gallery at Versailles. The sight of her revolted me, my stomach turned, the horror she in- spired me with caused my gorge to rise, and no doubt the involuntary contraction of the muscles of my face made apparent the disgust and repulsion I felt at the sight of her ; but I did not spit, I could not have done so, I was petrified, and the persons who accom- panied me, and who never lost sight of me, can bear me witness of this, and I desire to give evidence of this and all the facts of which I have spoken, if it is thought fit.

Picot's friends may have told. I commit such an outrage, and in the King's palace, close to the apartments of the Queen, who is so good as to sometimes stoop to show me kindness — I dare to say no one will believe it. My Judge did not believe it, and referred the case to the Civil Court, but my counsel will explain all this. Picot was fixed for April They were five in number. Thon, cloth- merchant of Paris, Mme. Well, the latter room was at the extreme south end of the gallery, and is known as the Peace Room, while the room facing it is called the War Room.

Charlotte Picot's fainting fit must have affected her memory, or she did not know the palace, otherwise she could not have mistaken the two rooms ; but we confess that we are a little sceptical as to the importance of the outrage which the girl, who thought she would die on the spot, is alleged to have suffered. We are more inclined than Rose Bertin's contemporaries to diminish her guilt, as it seems probable that Charlotte Picot was a hypocrite only too glad to seize the occasion as an advertisement, at a time when sandwich men had not been imported from England to promenade in single file in the gallery of the Palais-Royal, the centre then of the Parisian world, as the boulevards which stretch from Saint-Denis to the Madeleine are now.

The second witness was Mme. Madeleine Bailly, Mme. The deposition of Pierre Guertin, employe of Messrs. Thon, Joly and Co. The five witnesses were agreed in putting the blame on Mile. Bertin ; but were they not exaggerat- ing the incident, had they no interest in the matter? I consider one witness at least suspect — that is, Pierre Guertin ; what was he doing at Versailles that day, and how came he to be in Charlotte Picot's company? It is evident from M. Thon's deposition, given below, that all these people were acquainted with each other.

Thon deposes that " on Easter Day last, 15th instant, having come to Versailles to see the Court, and being, about six or half-past six in the evening, in company with M. Gumin, deponent's brother-in-law and sister, in His Majesty's palace, in the room called the War Room, giving on to the gallery on the side of the chapel, having taken up position near the windows leading to the terrace to see the Court on their way from Benediction, Mile.

Picot, accompanied by M. Bertin, also a dressmaker of Paris, coming from the gallery, Mile. The said Mile. Bertin approached the said Mile. Picot, and, gazing on her fixedly with a look of contempt, spat upon her neck on the left side, saying, 'I promised you this — I have kept my word,' and then went on her way.

Imme- diately the said Mile. Picot felt unwell, and they were obliged to lean her against one of the windows and apply eau de Cologne to relieve her. A little later deponent saw the said Mile. Bertin return, while deponent's sister was still endeavouring to revive the said Mile. Picot from her fainting fit, upon whom the said Mile. Bertin cast a look of contempt and disdain. After the said Mile. Picot came to herself, deponent and his party left her. Thon, and remained behind to render further assistance to the wretched Charlotte. In any case, the return from Versailles after such a scene, in company with a woman still nervous and trembling from the effects of it, cannot have presented the same charm as the journey there, with the young green of the trees to brighten the route, and the indescribable joy of April to lend enhanced beauty to the luxurious carriages bearing the noblest in France to the Palace of Versailles.

The text of the sentences pronounced against Rose Bertin on August 18 and September 1 bear witness that thouofh the Court considered a certain censure necessary, yet, like us, they considered that the wit- ROSE BEKTIN nesses were not entirely reliable, and that a nominal fine would meet the case. The sentence of August 18 prohibits the defendant from spitting again in the plaintiff's face, and con- demns her to pay a fine of 20 livres, applicable, with plaintiff's consent, to the poor of the parish of Saint-Germain I'Auxerrois. The sentence of Septem- ber 1 merely confirms the first.

Rose Bertin was not a woman to capitulate without fighting. At the news that the first sentence had been confirmed, no doubt doors were slammed in the privacy of the Rue Saint- Honor e ; but at Versailles, or anywhere else where her business with the Queen took her, she presented a serene countenance and succeeded in interesting Her Majesty in her case. Bertin, pending judgment, solicited the Queen to interpose her authority in the matter, assuring her that her royal dignity would be compromised in the affront which she who worked with her might receive ; and when sentence was passed, Mile.

Sentence was about to be pronounced, when the Queen sent for M. Bertin, dressmaker to the Queen. Picot be condemned in such damages as the Council shall think fit. That at the hour appellant is accused of spitting in Mile. Picot's face she was in the Queen's apartments, having received instructions to await Her Majesty there on her return from Benediction, on Easter Day, 1 5th of last April ; and that she remained there until seven o'clock in the evening.

That when apellant passed and repassed through the gallery and in the War Room it was not more than a quarter after five, and that she passed and repassed without spitting in Mile. Picot's face, nor on her, nor on any person whatsoever. That at the moment she passed, one of the young ladies who work in her shop, and who accompanied her, called her attention to Mile. Picot, near to one of the Suiss guards of the castle, who was there to keep back the crowd and leave a free passage ; nearly hidden by the Suisse, appellant was more than ROSE BERXm six feet from Mile.

Picot, so that even had she had a tube in her mouth she could not have spat such a distance, and still less take aim at the face of the said Mile. Picot ; and had she spat, and if the spittle had reached as far as Mile. Picot the Suisse and other persons standing near would have been spattered and would have complained, and appellant would have been arrested on the spot. That Mile. Kerpen zugeeignet von Ludwig v. Mainz, B. Lacks the second preliminary leaf: ""Subscribenten-Verzeichnis auf die Werke, Op.

The famous ninth choral symphony. This is a sketch 12 bars for a vocal composition with Italian text, beginning: ""Tu mi traffigi il cor. Heinrich Schenker, the great theoretician and Beethoven specialist, has expressed the opinion that this manuscript belongs to the studies which Beethoven wrote while studying with Antonio Salieri.

Oeuvre 1re. A Vienne chez Artaria []. The three parts as issued. Beethoven's Opus 1 is so rare that Nottebohm had never seen a copy and could describe only Cappi's reissue of This is one of the subscribers' copies and contains the list of subscribers following the title-page of the pianoforte part.

Examples of the subscribers' issue are of extreme rarity. The trios were performed for the first time from manuscript by Schuppanzigh, Kraft, and Beethoven himself. Vienna, Giov. Traeg [] P1. An early composition of Beethoven, after a theme of Paisiello. This did not retain its opus no. Manuscript signed: 10 leaves title-page, 18 pages 28 x 21 cm. This manuscript of Bellini's student years is a copy of No.

The composition is largely based on the great fragmentary Missa in C-moll, composed in Vienna in Melodramma posto in musica e dedicato alla Signora Giudita Turina da V. Milano, Gio. Ricordi [] Pl. Text by Felice Romani. Piano and vocal score by Luigi Truzzi. Presented for the first time at Milan, February 14, Musique de H. Baryton ou mezzo-sopo. Paris, Louis Gregh, Inscribed to Ch. Morel by the composer. Pierre Barbier. Hartmann [ca. Presented for the first time at Paris, June 4, London, Chappell [Ca. Inscribed to Mrs. Weldon by the composer. Sung by Mr.

Sims Reeves. Composed by Jules Benedict London, Cramer [ca. Ballad written by Miss Courtney. London [Chappell, Ca. The words by Mrs. George Gifford. The words by Claribel. The music by J. London, Boosey [ca. Written by Jessica Rankin. Composed by J. London, Chappell [ca. Holograph manuscript signed. The lead sheet words and music written for the collection by the composer. Paroles et musique de Hector Berlioz Dufour [] First edition.

Presented for the first time at Paris, August 9, Paris, n. An interesting letter to an unidentified poet who had sent him some poems with a request that he set them to music-a request which he had to refuse as his use is too capricious. To illustrate this he tells the story of the tune of the refrain, ""Pauvre soldat"" in the cantata Le cinq mai. After seeking for two months a suitable melody, he gave up the search. Then one day, while walking along the Tiber, he stumbled into the river bed and found himself up to the knees in mud.

Opera semi-seria en trois actes. Traduction allemande de M. Musique de Hector Berlioz. Oeuvre [23] Partition de piano. Brunswick, Henry Litolff [] P1. Text in French and German. Presented for the first time at Paris, September 10, From the library of W. Turner, the well-known writer on Berlioz, with his signature. Paroles de Victor Hugo. Oeuvre Richault [] P1. Hector Berlioz. Traduction allemande par Mr. Presentation copy from Berlioz, inscribed ""A mon ami Reger, H.

To [Henry Fothergill] Chorley. Dresden, April 14 [? Rosenhain, pianist and composer of the orthodox school, who is anxious to come out in London this spring, and will therefore be in grea. Traduction allemane par Mr. First edition, second issue. This is excessively rare.

Rameau’s Nephew - Le Neveu de Rameau

Paris, Richault [ca. An English translation of the text has been written in, parallel to the French and German texts. This and various notes, etc. Richault moved to 4 Boulevard des Italiens in , the address upon the title-page. Except for an added portrait frontispiece, and the change of address in the imprint, the collation for the above edition agrees with that in Hirsch, IV, Theme du choeur des sylphes.

Manuscript fragment signed. For the album of H[einrich] Schlesinger. Berlin, June 19, Opus 3. Grande partition Paris, Richault [] Pl. Partition chant et piano Paris, Brandus [ca. At head of title: Hector Berlioz. Sinfonie dramatique. Partition de piano par Th. Winterthour, J. Rieter-Biedermann [] Pl. The French text is by Emile Deschamps. Presented for the first time at the Conservatoire de Paris under the direction of the composer, November 24, Leipzig, J.

Rieter-Biedermann [ca. From his Les Troyens Act2,part2. Paris, Maurice Schlesinger [] At head of title: Episode de la vie d'un artiste. Performed for the first time at the Conservatoire, December 5, Fragment of manuscript. Dresden, May 1, Inserted in the first edition of Adolphe Jullien's Hector Berlioz, sa vie et ses oeuvres. A trois choeurs par Hector Berlioz. Paris, Brandus, Fragment of original manuscript. Double choir with organ. Recto, five bars-""Tous chantons devant l'avenir immense. This meeting was the beginning of the ""Internationale.

Paris, Choudens [] P1. The first published edition, of which very few copies are known, with two cuts. Paris, Choudens [Ca.

Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music

First published edition of the former and first published edition, second issue of the latter, with three cuts and other alterations in the music. Andromaque au tombeau d'Hector. Musique de Mlle. Louise Bertin avec accompagnement de piano par F. Listz [sic] Paris, E. Troupenas [] Pl. This is the only operatic work of which Liszt made a piano and vocal arrangement. Berlioz is thought to have had a large share in its composition. Mis en musique par le Chevalier Berton Paris, C. Heu [] P1. A musical drama in three acts, as performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden. Composed, selected, and arranged by Henry R.

The poetry by D. Terry, Esq. See My pretty Jane. Lavenu [] First edition. In a preface, dated April 8, , Bishop explains that the night following the first production of the Circassian bride, the theatre was destroyed by fire and the original music destroyed. He says: ""The whole of the music, here published is revised solely from the power of recollection and I flatter myself if not exactly according to the original copy.

An opera in three acts as performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden. Composed by Henry R. London, Goulding, D'Almaine, Potter [ca. Inscribed to Mastr. Longhurst by the composer. John Howard Paine's famous and universally treasured ""Home Sweet Home"" was published here for the first time. He is not credited with the authorship. The complete score of the oratorio which, according to Grove, has never been performed. The manuscript has a printed title-page. Attwood and Henry R. The first operatic setting of a novel by Sir Walter Scott.

The poetry by C. Bishop, April, Original manuscript, signed twice. Manuscript with the title: ""The bloom is on the rye,"" signed. Score for small orchestra and voice. Adair Fitzgerald, in his Stories of famous songs, gives a detailed and amusing account of the story behind this ""most profitable song ever issued.

Opera in three acts, performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden. With selections from Zingarelli, Boieldieu and Rossini. London, Goulding, D'Almaine [ca. Drame en 3 actes de Alphonse Daudet, musique de Georges Bizet. L Presented for the first time at Paris, October 1, With changes in score. Meilhac et L. Musique de Georges Bizet. At foot of p. In the second edition the dialogue was replaced by twenty-six pages of recitatives composed by Ernest Guiraud.

Bizet died within three months of the first performance. Presented for the first time at Paris, March 3, Partition chant et piano transcrite par l'auteur. Paris, Choudens Fils [] P1. First edition with Italian and German text. Inscribed by the publishers to Mme. The ballet for the first act of Carmen was issued as a supplement to the first edition of the opera itself.

Presented for the first time at Paris, May 22, Paris, Heugel [] P1. Inscribed to Marie Bronthe by the composer. Edition for mezzo-soprano or baritone. Charles Gounod's copy with his signature. Presented for the first time at Paris, September 30, A work of many compositions, for one, two, three and four voices with several accompagnements of instrumental musick and a Library thorow-bass to each song: figur'd for an organ, harpsichord, or theorboe-lute, by Dr. John Blow.

London, Printed by William Pearson, for the author; and -are to be sold at his house and by Henry Playford, Inserted at front is a copy of the prospectus, dated , with a receipt at the foot filled in and signed by the composer. Inserted at end is an engraving of Blow's monument in Westminster Abbey. Hirsch, III, John Blow was one of the first choir boys of the Chapel Royal after the organ and choir were again admitted to the service of the Anglican C0hurch. He became organist of Westminster Abbey at the age of twenty and five years later a Gentleman of the Chapel Royal eventually becoming one of the three organists for this group.

Purcell took Blow's place as organist at Westminster Abbey in but Blow returned to this post after the death of his famous pupil in Paris, Janet et Cotelle [ca. Presented for the first time at Paris, December 10, Opera di Arrigo Boito. Rappresentato a! Teatro Comunitativo di Bologna il 4 ottobre Canto e pianoforte. Riduzione di M.

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Milano, Ricordi [] P1. Inscribed by the composer and by Sir George Henschel, first conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra and at the time of the inscription, June 6, , conductor of the London Symphony Concerts. Presented for the first time at Milan, March 5, Riduzione per canto e pianoforte di Ferruccio Calusio.. Inserted is an autograph letter. An opera as it was perform'd at the Kings Theatre for the Royal Academy. Compos'd by Bononcini. London, I. Walsh and I. Hare [ca. A manuscript note on the title-page states that the words were written by Grazio Bracciola in , altered by Haym, and set to music by Bononcini.

It was first performed at the Royal Academy of Music, April 18, , and had an uninterrupted run of nine nights. The score for the Italian version was by Johann David Heinichen. A suite of eight movements. Full score and parts for first and second violins and bass. With Musique pastorale pour le 23 novembre An opera as it was perform'd at the Kings Theatre for the Royal Accademy. Compos'd by Mr. Walsh [] First edition. Text by Paolo Rolli after Zeno. Presented for the first time at London, February 22, With this is a photograph of the composer's portrait in the Royal College of Music. See also Scarlatti, Alessandro Thomyris.

Smith, Bibliography of musical work published by John Walsh, no. As they are perform'd at the Theatre Royall [London] I. The text is by Stampiglia. This opera enjoyed an extraordinary popularity. In England it ran sixty-four nights in four years. Musique de Charles Bordes. Hamelle [] Cover-title. Inscribed to Emmanuel Chabrier by the composer. Traduction de Maurice Bouchor. Choeur mixte sans accompagnement. Mis en musique par Ch. Baudoux [] P1. Inscribed to Paul Soujoud by the composer.

Chanson triste Op: 8. Paris, Bruneau [ca. Paris, Lissarrague [ca. Inscribed to Mlle. September 9, This is a sketch for the tavern scene from Borodin's unpublished opera. Paroles et -musique de A. Jules Ruelle, allemande de Mme. Leipzig, M. Belaieff, At head of title: title, etc.

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Bottesini autographs are very rare and this unpublished score of the duetto for violoncello and double bass reflects the technical capacities of two artists Bottesini and Piatti who had no rival. A choral drama adapted from the play of Euripides. Englished by Gilbert Murray. Musicked by Rutland Boughton. Finished June 3, Boughton's works reflect an effort to extend the theories of Wagner and at the same time to simplify the operatic idiom to suit popular taste and understanding.

Play by Thomas Hardy. Set as a music-drama by Rutland Boughton. London, Joseph Williams [c] P1. Max Gate"" inside front-cover. Presentation copy from the publisher signed ""Florian Williams, Dec. Musique de Nadia Boulanger. Hamelle, c [caption-title] P1. Inscribed to Mme. Paroles de Georges Delaquys. Musique de Nadia Boulanger Paris, J. Hamelle, c Caption title. Paris, Henry Lemoine [ca. Turquet by the composer. Musique de L. Inscribed to [Victor] Warot by the composer.

Rameau’s Nephew - Le Neveu de Rameau

Presented for the first time at Paris, December 28, A musical entertainment, as it is perform'd at the Theatre-Royal in Drury-Lane. Compos'd by Dr. Walsh [ca. The text is by Moses Mendez. A musical entertainment. As it is perform'd at the Theatre-Royal in Drury Lane. The original manuscript signed with the caption-title ""Tragische Ouverture. Inserted, at the front, is a photograph of the composer with his signature.

Berlin, N. Simrock, Geiringer, Brahms. His life and work, New York, To an unidentified correspondent, n. Translation: Honored and dear young lady: Tendering you my best thanks for the friendliness with which you keep me in mind, I send you herewith the desired portrait. It has been rather long in coming because I was unwilling to send it without being able to enclose the second picture with which Joachim sends his best regards. I very much hope the summer will again bring you to the Rhine and I shall then have the pleasure of seeing you again.

With cordial greetings to you and Miss Leser, Your devoted Joh. Hirsch, IV, ; Wotquenne, This is the composer's greatest choral work. It occupied him at intervals for more than ten years. The second movement, originally intended as a part of the projected Symphony in D minor the later Pianoforte concerto, op. In the autumn of Brahms arranged this as a cantata in four movements. The work remained in this preparatory stage for four years.

In he took it up again and by August had completed movements one, two, three, four, six and seven. The fifth was composed in May Somerabend [words by] Hans Schmidt. Simrock [] Pl. Inscribed by the composer: ""Der besten Freundin Clara, Weihnacht, Translation: Dear Elise: Fortunately Mother and Christian have been kind enough to write about you-unfortunately not as favorably as I should wish.

I hope very much that the news will soon be better and that you will write me so yourself. The Hungarian Dances are proof of Brahms's versatility as a creative artist. They achieved an unparalleled success. Brahms contrived, while preserving the characteristic melody, harmony, and rhythm of gypsy music, to give it an artistic form which raised it to a higher level. Wie rafft ich mich auf in der Nacht. The text is by August, Count of Platen-Hallermund. Brahms probably found the model for this noble song in Schubert's works. It is reminiscent of certain songs for Winterreise such as ""Estarrung"" which expresses a similar mood.

With its dramatic entry, its tremendous climax, and the wonderful interlocking of the voice and the almost symphonic accompaniment, it rivals the greatest songs of the later Schubert, by whom Brahms is here perceptibly influenced"" Geiringer, Brahms. His life and work, Oxford, Inscription reads: ""An Frl. Marie Ruckert In Verehrung des honen Dichters gedenkend. The gift of Mrs. London, J. Inscribed to Archibald Martin Henderson by the composer. Page proofs. Harp or piano and vocal score.

An opera in three acts and a prologue derived from the poem by George Crabbe. Words by Montagu Slater. Music by Benjamin Britten. Vocal score by Erwin Stein. Score for organ and choir. Words by Margarete Bruch. Componirt von Max Bruch. Translated into English by Mrs. Natalia Macfarren. Sirnrock, Text in English and German.

At upper right of p. Paris, Choudens, ca. Musique de Alfred Bruneau. Paris, Heugel, Proof sheets of first edition with composer's corrections throughout. Paris, Choudens, c Partition piano et choeur. Debuchy by the composer.