WolfHin, H. Gedanken zur Kunstyeschichte. Basel: Schwabe, Principles of Art History . New York: Dover, He was a coeditor of the Dizionario dei temi letterari and, with Umberto Eco, of an anthology of texts on fog, Nebbia His website is www. The second offers, from a critical standpoint, a summary of all the knowledge accumulated through the historiography of Portuguese literature. Apropos of both, we question the pos- sibilities of connection among space, history, and literature. Literary history has been experiencing a process of critical review in recent de- cades, with renewing trends originating from various sectors.
For instance, Wai Chee Dimock and Lawrence Buell, editors of Shades of the Planet: American Literature as World Literature , claim that American literature is transnational, something that is visible in the multi- culturalism of a presumed homogeneous American canon. Additionally, they assume that one cannot justifiably study American literature in isolation in the era of globalization.
These new histories fit into the transnational turn, which characterizes the main reforming guideline of present-day literary historiography. Literary history, inasmuch as it is linked to the representations of space, which are coded practices bound to knowledge and power political, economic, and epistemological , plays a key role in the production of literary spaces and the corresponding representations.
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Indeed, romantic geopoetics and historical poetics used to link literary production to the national spaces and even came to establish a literary cartography for Eu- rope that opposed northern literatures to southern literatures. It is nonetheless necessary to observe that the histories of national litera- tures, focused on a narrative more or less teleological ranging from the Mid- dle Ages to the contemporary era, with their representative authors and their national canon, are deliberately absent from this work.
That is the case of the Portuguese literature discussed, for instance. The geographical map has thus taken over history and replaced it. History can only be found in fragments, ap- ropos of some themes, without the possibility of being arranged into an organic unity. In this comparative history of the Iberian Peninsula, the choice for the pri- macy of geography involves the will to cross national boundaries. On the other hand, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are assigned far less relevance than the earlier periods i. Indeed, the new comparative literary histories avoid a unified history and seek to associate the literary cultures with heterogeneous spaces, which is why they could be accused of not producing history.
Now, con- sidering the new spatial models of literary historiography, we can redirect the question: to what extent is it possible to reconcile geography and literature; or, is literary geography possible? In other words, can literature be conceived with- out history? We are thus deprived of the temporal and national references that underlie the constitution of the history of Portuguese literature.
Literature itself emerged in connection with the European nation-states. Portuguese writers, like writers in other countries, have since Romanticism embraced the patriotic mission of founding a literature and a culture focused on the nation. Thereafter, and until approximately two decades ago, Portuguese history would become the central topic of Portuguese literature, which is particularly visible in a vast set of literary groups and movements that attempted to portray Portugal and offered solutions to regenerate the country from the decadence with which it was diagnosed in particular, since Herculano.
In recalling Romanticism, suffice it to mention the Geragao de 70 group of rebellious Portuguese intellectuals committed to social and artistic reform , the Neogarretismo literary revival inspired by author Al- meida Garrett , the Saudosismo literary movement inspired by nostalgia , the Portuguese Renaissance, the Lusitanian Integralism, and so forth. Most of the time, these groups reacted sharply in periods of political sensitiv- ity and played significant roles in widespread movements often leading them associated with political and economic crises and threats posed by foreign pow- ers.
In the s, for example, formative events included the Ultimatum, the Republican revolution of , and the crisis of the liberal state and its public finances. Aftershocks of such events and their effects on the literary commu- nity extended into the first decades of the twentieth century. Likewise, the First World War and the crises of the First Republic, among other factors, explain the increasing strength of the nationalism propagated by such literary figures. In turn, modern literary studies, dominated by the discourse of literary his- tory, became institutionalized in higher education and secondary education under the banner of the romantic concept of national literature, connecting it- self in its origin and evolution with the concept of national identity, and in its ideological commitments with the modern nation-states.
Therefore, the teaching system became harmonized with the nationalization of literature and intensified it. In this view, national literature, with its literary canon of great authors, proved to be a powerful instrument of socialization and training of young citizens according to the official image of the nation. From that perspective, literary history presented itself as a narra- tive that offered a kind of self-portrait of the nation Neubauer. Thus, despite the successive attempts at renewal, leaning more toward either lit- erature or history, the model of literary history remained stable national, based on a chronology and on a canon.
The culmination of these efforts is present in the recent Critical History of Por- tuguese Literature expected to include nine volumes , edited by Carlos Reis and 12 with specific editors for each volume. Therefore, it affords, within its own pa- rameters, the range of critical thinking about the history of the literature pro- duced over a century and a half. The absence of Por- tuguese literature from the latter work contrasts with its tridimensional pres- ence in Critical History. These polar examples attempt to illustrate the impos- sibilities of literary history and of the comparative geography of literatures.
In reality, however, that was not the case. Despite its weaknesses, it is in literary history with its diversity that literature and Portuguese literature in particular find their space. NOTES 1. Its main goal is to create a transnational perspective for the literary cultures of vast regions. Its spatial orientation emerged in and characterized the latter volumes. See Feldman In the transition period from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, Gustave Lanson maintained a belief in the scientific renewal of the humanities and the appli- cation of scientific rigor to literary history but further emphasized its civic, moral, and national dimension , Allegories of History: Literary Historiography after Hegel.
Barthes, Roland. Paris: Seuil, [i], pp. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, Dimock, Wai Chee, and Lawrence Buell, eds. Feldman, Sharon. Gies, David T. Bases metodolo'xicas para unha historia comparada das Iiteraturas na Peninsula Iberica. University of Santiago de Compostela, Lanson, Gustave. Paris: Hachette, Lefebvre, Henri. Paris: Anthropos, . McDonald, Christie, and Susan Suleiman, eds.
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Moisan, Clement. Paris: P. Moretti, Franco. London: Verso, . Perkins, David. Reis, Carlos, ed. Histo'ria critica da literatura portuguesa. Lisbon: Verbo, Valdes, Mario, and Djelal Kadir, eds. Wellek, Rene. Teoria da literatura. Lisbon: Edigoes Europa-America, no date.
He is currently studying the issue of world literature and preparing a critical study of literary history in twentieth-century Portugal. He may be reached at carmel ilch. One of the challenges to establishing the parameters of literary history has been the wide variety of ends served by the term, having denoted anything from pure history to literary theory and even the sociology of literature, depending upon the prac- titioner Pelc, quoted in Harris , Is the progress of the varied forms of literary his- tory, then, the purview of critics and scholars alone who read history, theory, and sociology through literature, or can literary texts themselves transform from objects of study into cultural artifacts that enter into the historical dialogue on their own terms?
Harris suggests that diachronic literary histories that stress temporal se- 1 quences over authorial intention can be classified based on two tendencies: their focus upon relational influences that are either internal to the succession of texts in other words, between author and author, text and text or external i. Yet self- reflexive j texts that comment upon literary events might be considered to constitute a form of internal literary history in a different sense, as being organically gener- ated from within literature rather than as narratives imposed upon the past from external positions.
In fact, he wastes no time in mocking the debate on what constitutes the core attributes of Brazilian national identity, the same issues that preoccupy Schwarz and Santiago. Eles queriam que eu escrevesse igual ao Machado de Assis, e eu nao queria, e nao sabia Eles queriam os negrinhos do pastoreio, os guaranis, os sertoes da vida.
Indeed, the fictional Author discusses the pornography in his work, although the end result is not that the short story is pornographic but rather that it transforms into a dialogue about theories of pornography Sa Can a short story, then, intrude upon the territory of the essay?
Most essays about literature ultimately touch upon literary history whether it is their primary intention to do so or not Harris , although David Perkins has a different kind of definition in mind when he poses a provocative question in the title of 7 his monograph Is Literary History Possible? Yet, by creating parameters based on conceptions of totality and coherence, Perkins presupposes certain formal constraints about the practice of reading and writing about the past, for the critique of flawed attempts at total- ization need not itself be either totalizing or book-length in order to constitute literary history.
As Hayden White has argued in texts such as Metahistory, the internal critique of conventional discursive practices forms an essential part of the exercise of : the discipline of historiography. Despite his rebuttal of White, however, it is noteworthy that the objections Perkins raises against the possibility of literary history, namely the inherent distortion and partiality ofany narrative about the past, in addition to the subjectivity of the author, discredit- ing any pretense to scientific objectivity, in fact rehearse the very same concerns being concomitantly discussed in new or postmodern historical fiction in North and Latin America.
If, as Coutinho suggests, the notion of linearity in literary history has been replaced by an em- phasis upon dialogue , then a dialogue —which does not allow plot to take precedence over story, as Perkins fears — is precisely what Fonseca offers as a method to critique the very same issues ofWestern values and national metanar- ratives that Coutinho identifies. Although discussed in serious terms, the satire is an absurd amalgam of dukes and duchesses who marginalize a newly married wife because her family tree is inferior, leading the woman to seek psychoanalytic help as the story de- velops into tragedy.
The young duchess keeps most of hers in the book, which the Author explains via a parodic reference to the excess of authorial allusions made to foreign canonical texts, in this case T. Mas isso nao e dito muito claramente. Without implying profanity, the image of the large intestine invites association with human feces, deployed cynically in the story. If literary history has been conceived as the privileged space of critics, Fonseca understands the exploration of the relationship between mind and body as being accessible by art alone.
The Author demonstrates that pornography is not neatly quantifiable when the journalist shifts the theme of the discussion. In other words, the judgment of pornography does not reflect a social norm but a construct imposed upon the public, and as the example of the fairy tale illustrates, its exercise is hypocritical at best. In fact, based on arguments of morality, life itselfwould be pornographic, since it is dependent upon reproduc- tion and excretion. The reference to anthropophagy is no accident, of course, given its foundational im- portance as a national trope in twentieth-century literature, film, and criticism.
Exercised in any of these modes of production, the celebrated activity of can- nibalizing foreign models is a pornographic behavior of which both writers and critics are guilty, whether established as a Brazilian or a farther-reaching Latin American critical strategy. Nao existe nem mesmo uma literatura brasileira com semelhangas de estrutura, estilo, caracterizagao, ou la 0 que seja. Passamos anos e anos preocupados com 0 que alguns cientistas cretinos ingleses e alemaes Humboldt?
Silva explores this dynamic in great detail in 0 caso Rubem Fonseca: Violencia e erotismo em Feliz ano novo. In The Muffled Cries, Baden provides a more cursory look at the ban, but he helpfully explores it in relation to the larger rubric of artistic cen- sorship during the military dictatorship. Rene Wellek first asked the same question in Theory of Literature , noting the difficulty in creating a product that is both literary and historical at once.
Perkins revisits the question in the context of what he sees as the recent revival of literary history deter- mined by quite distinct concerns about production , Baden suggests that Fonseca had supported the regime in its early years and, thus, that the banning of the book came as a surprise , , Coutinho, Eduardo de Faria. Figueiredo, Vera Lucia Follain de. Os crimes do text 0: Rubem Fonseca e a jicgao contemporanea.
Fonseca, Rubem. Contos r eunidos. Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras, Harris, Wendell V. Lowe, Elizabeth. The City in Brazilian Literature. Sa, Sergio de. Silva, Deomsio da. Rubem Fonseca: Proibido e consagrado. Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumara, Contramargem: Estudos de literatura. Vidal, Ariovaldo Jose. Roteiro para urn narrador: Uma Ieitura dos contos de Rubem Fonseca. Cotia: Atelie Editorial, He has published journal articles on contemporary Luso-Hispanic historical fiction, metafiction, and theory.
His current research interests include American intellectual history and reflexive film. He may be reached at frweiser a uga. More specifically, the article evaluates the possibility of constructing a histo- riographical model founded on systemic theories, with the capacity to contribute to the renovation of the discipline of literary history. Alternative historiographical methods, based on polysystem theory, theory of literary field, and the theorization of literature as institution, are examined with the intention of showing the advan- tages that these approaches can bring to the study of literature, but also their fail- ings, and the debates they have provoked that have yet to be resolved.
Finally, the article proposes possible applications of these alternative approaches to literary his- tory to the lusophone literary systems. Constitution and Crisis of Literary History: Challenges and Possibilities for the Discipline A synthetic study of the constitution of literary history LH as discipline and discourse should attend to a series of fundamental factors. The first of these has to do with the fact that LH is, essentially, a European discipline. That is to say, LH is epistemologically configured in accordance with the localized rhythms and functionalities of specific European cultural centers.
The second factor has to do with the chronological development of LH in the passage from the eigh- teenth to the nineteenth century, and therefore is linked to the decay of classical and neoclassical poetics, and the reaction against the principles of universal- ity and rationality of the Enlightenment. This article attempts to create a dialectical comprehension of the processes that not only allowed for the emergence of LH as discipline and discourse but also its legitimization and institutionalization.
This dialectic should include a mapping of the emergence of national identity, linked to the nation-state, at the ideological, ethical, civic, and moral levels, the assumption of some type of his- toricist paradigm, as well as an understanding of the emergence of LH as civil history and its progressive scientific legitimization Cunha , This capacity to assimilate not only practices from the field of knowledge but also programs initially defined in terms of philosophical and ideological intent forms part of the configuration of the two principal literary historiographical models of the first half of the nineteenth century.
As opposed to the German Romantic model, which is marked with Hegelian historicism and a Herderian genetic historicism, it is important to take into account the models that are informed by Enlightenment values, connected to the processes of social reform derived from the French Revolution and representative of the political-cultural hegemony of France in the first half of the nineteenth century.
These approaches are related in some ways to the philosophical innovations of Francis Bacon at the start of the seventeenth century and also to what would be known in the following century as philosophical history, concerned with offering a unified vision of the object of study, determining its temporal development in terms of determinate categories origin, progress, advance, decadence , and attempting to find a causal explanation for the succession of different phases Equipo Glifo Equally reflective of the dialectic development of LH is the historiographic criticism of Gustave Lanson, the basic elements of which were the adaptation of an epistemology that would later be recognized as sociological, and which entailed the rejection of a mechanistic positivism that diminished the importance of observation and reflection as intellectual facul- ties, and likewise diminished the consideration of the civic, moral, and national functions of literature.
These matters have been studied in the now classic works of Benedict Anderson, Eric Hobsbawm, Terence Ranger, and Anne-Marie Thiesse, works that tend not only to discredit the idea of a natural national identity but also to dissect the mechanisms through which collective adhesion to such an identity is achieved.
In this development, it is worthwhile to pay attention to the dialectic of history and criticism, moving from the simplistic understand- ing of literary criticism as a subjective discourse, as well as the limiting of its role to the field of autonomous action as opposed to literary and general history. The use of teleological principles in any historiographical model marks specific limits with regard to the standards of scientific objectivity deemed necessary in the natural sciences.
Taking on board the thought of Siegfried J. The extreme exigencies imposed by these standards were a central factor in the delegitimization of the discipline, a process already visible in the first half of the twentieth century, reflecting the fact that for some paradigms the construction of a scientifically valid LH was an impossibility.
In this synthetic reconstruction of the development of LH, one must con- sider the mid-twentieth-century work of Rene Wellek. As Jose Antonio Escrig notes, Wellek defined in a report written for the Modern Language Association in a tripartite division within literary research consisting of the comple- mentary fields of textual criticism, literary history, and literary criticism, with a notable interdependency between the last two. Within LH itself, Wellek distin- guished between two approaches: those oriented toward a broad cultural his- tory on the one hand and those closer to art history, with a greater dependence on aesthetic theory and the consideration of the work of art as monument, on the other.
He suggested three models for its renovation. The first would be based on the negation of historical causalism in the study of literature, and would take as its paradigm work such as that of Benedetto Croce, which un- derstood the work of art as a unique and immediately present phenomenon. As against this antihistoricist model, Wellek identified a model that took account of historical factors, its origin in Marxist and positivist thought, which was most visible in the postulates of sociologically informed LH.
The third model had to do with approaches that attempted to trace an internal evolution in literature, as exemplified in the work of the Russian formalists and Czech structuralists but also in some elements of the approaches of reception theory, sociology of literature, and Gadamerian-inspired hermeneutics. Though LH underwent a long process of criticism in the twentieth century, it is also important to note the central role that the idea of crisis would acquire in the s. Cunha notes the persistence of LH as a university discipline, as compared to its gradual exhaustion as a discursiue jbrmation.
The emergence, since the nineteenth cen- tury, of a new idea of literature, based on the aesthetic autonomy of the literary and the incompatibility of literature and history, was central to the weakening of these concepts. This is manifest in the contrast between the growing theo- rization of literary history and the scarcity of historiographical works that take account of this thought, perhaps a symptom of the lack of spaces within which the complementarity between literary theory and LH could be developed.
This broader approach has had different expressions in cultural studies, New Historicism, and polysystem theory. The Annales school, specifically, gave special attention to the methodological debates between general and cultural history and focused on broad historical processes and structures of longue duree. They also encouraged interdisciplinarity and explicative rather than interpretative discursivity. In this context, the challenges that contemporary LH must face can be orga- nized in three large areas, defined by their heuristic, methodological-discursive, and institutional bases.
By heuristic I mean that which concerns the selection of principles that should orient historiographical work before its elaboration, and this involves the systematization of an object of study for LH. This, in ac- cord with the cultural turn already mentioned, the spatial turn in the social sci- ences, or the systemic turn that this article assimilates, could include literature implicitly this means national literature , culture, system or field, or even literary zone.
It is also absolutely necessary to clarify the links between historiographi- cal discourses and specific identitary constructs. Finally, it would be necessary to adopt thought-out approaches toward the representation of time, which is traditionally central to the discipline, and toward the representation of space. Methodology and discursiuity are the problems most frequently related to the disciplinary definition of LH.
Also important is the reconsideration of synchronic as well as diachronic levels of historiography, the attempt to connect narrative formulas and hermeneutic paradigms, and the reevaluation of notions of au- thorship and authority. On the institutional level, it would be important to reflect upon the ways in which LH attempts to retain its prestige through a renewed positioning within the disciplinary and academic field. The proposals of the last four decades, of course, have also been part of a redefinition of the functional and performative attributes developed by LH on ethical, ideological, social, and political levels.
Relevant in this regard is the reflection on the possibility of including historio- graphical work in long-term plans for public intervention, on the relationship between performativity and literary emergence, or, finally, on the need for a con- stant, dynamic, and nonconditioned validation of the discipline. Systemic Epistemology and Historiographical Models In the context of not just LH but the contemporary renovation of the study of literature as a whole, the bases upon which we can speak of systemic theories, or a systemic epistemology, are related to a group of theoretic paradigms that com- prehend cultural systems, to a greater or lesser degree, as entities ruled by rela- tional and functional principles of a communicative nature and tending to create autopoietic and auto referential realities Totosy de Zepetnek This group of theoretical paradigms would include, in accordance with the loose criteria defined by the Hungarian-Canadian researcher, the polysystem theory of Ita- mar Even-Zohar and researchers at Tel Aviv University, the empirical science of literature, founded by Siegfried J.
Schmidt and developed by the NIKOL group, the various theories propagated by literary scholars, such as those devised by Jacques Dubois and Peter Uwe Hohendahl, and the various sociologically based paradigms that use the notions of system and field, with special importance given to the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his disciples. Systemic theories as- pire, to varying degrees within any given approach, to levels of scientific value and objectivity in their analyses and deny the criteria of taste, canonical status, or a priori interest in the definition of their object of study.
None of the systemic paradigms here mentioned corresponded to an explicit interest in the disciplinary reconfiguration of LH, and it is difficult to recon- stitute from the theoretical-methodological corpus traits that would allow us to speak of a systemic historical-literary epistemology. However, despite the unstable relationship that these theoretical approaches have with LH, it is pos- sible to undertake a critical review of systemic theories and methodologies and explore the ways in which their innovations are relevant to LH as a discipline. Thus, in order to create a historiographical model based on polysystem theory, it is necessary to attend to the way in which it comprises literary and cultural systems that are interlinked and internally complex, and thereby dynamic and contingent.
As opposed to the centrality of notions such as change and diachrony as the bases of historical research, dynamic functionalism values stability and 2 synchrony as historiographical categories. The first of these terms is under- stood in relation to the analysis of the struggles between centers and peripher- ies, and to the functions assumed by canonized models.
Synchrony becomes the basis for a new perspective: dynamic polychrony, the comparison of synchronic sections of given systems. Polysystem theory, then, opts to consider literary sys- tems in terms of their links with adjacent systems or structures, whether these are cultural, political, or economic. Of interest here is the work of Even-Zohar and the members of the Unit of Cultural Research at Tel Aviv University, who focus on the Hebrew-Israeli cul- tural system, which comprises a series of elements territorial dispersion, an indefinite community that problematize conventional LH.
This means that the group works with an alternative concept of history, oriented toward the analy- sis of change in a diachronic perspective but renouncing the chronological schemes traditionally accepted in LH.
The incorporation of a synchronic dimen- sion should be understood in terms of a questioning of the links between LH and long-term historical periods on the one hand, and LH and a totalized refer- ent e. The vital point here is the incorporation of systemic categories that have been elided in historical re- search, such as production, consumption, institutions, market, and repertoire, and also the inclusion of intersystemic relations and transfers, with obvious repercussions in terms of the ideas of tradition, continuity, and territoriality, which constitute the foundations of the historiographical model that has been hegemonic since the nineteenth century.
This would mean the possibility of an LH that attends to more than literary or philological factors, extends beyond the national, and is more attentive to the planned, constructed, and institutional nature of cultural systems, elements that are especially visible in emerging sys- tems such as the Angolan, Mozambican, or Galician, in the lusophone world but never absent in the stronger, more stable systems such as the Portuguese or Brazilian. In the work of the Belgian researcher Jose Lambert, we can find other ele- ments of interest for the application of polysystem theory to LH. Lambert conceives, then, LH as the study of literary practices and processes within a given geocultural space; a particular example could be presented as The Literary History of [a given place].
Lam- bert structures a historiographical model based on the dynamic, nonunivocal re- lationship among linguistic, literary, and political maps that attempts, ultimately, to attend to the heterogeneity and dynamism of social systems e. Siegfried J. A central question for the concretization of a historiographical model in ac- cordance with the postulates of the empirical science of literature is the difficult harmonization of constructivism and empiricism in the area of LH.
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For Maldonado Aleman, the study of LH is based, first of all, on intra-, extra- relationships between a system and its environment , and inter- relationships between systems systemic relations. At the same time, Maldo- nado Aleman identifies as the principal challenges for the establishment of a historiographical model the problems of integrating the evolutionary character of LH with the understanding of system not as process but as state, best ap- proached with the concepts of autopoiesis, autoreference, and autonomy. He also recognizes the difficulties of understanding extra- and intersystemic rela- tions and their functioning as indicators of systemic limits.
In the development of a model for LH based on the theory of literary field Bourdieu , an important methodological question arises involving the tension between the synchronic and diachronic planes. The comparison between literary history and the history of a given field should be understood as a history of strug- gles with different types of capital at stake and for which the reconstruction of an internal logic or habitus , which regulates behaviors and positions within the field, should be undertaken.
The French sociologist proposed a genetic analysis of the constitution of, and tensions within, a given field as well as the study of the relationship between the field studied and other fields, especially the field of power Bourdieu and Wacquant, Both the conceptualization of the literary field and its applica- tions to literary historiography have been frequently criticized because of their subjection to a particular period ofFrench literature.
This has led to the recogni- tion of a type of conceptual a priori in the thought of Bourdieu: the history of an artistic field is the history of the struggle for the achievement and conservation of its autonomy. However, it is important to recognize two distinct uses of the theory of field in its application to historiographical programs. One application of the theory of cultural fields to the study of literature is that based on the prosopographic method, the most dynamic branch of which is a political history of the elites.
Prosopography, in a wider sense, is the in- terpretation of internal relations among collective subjects, including political, economic, and social powers Carasa Soto , This perspective allowed researchers, such as Gisele Sapiro and Remy Ponton in the French context, to study writers in concrete moments and showed the special productivity of the theory of literary field as a literary theory of authors. Despite the epistemological difference between the Bourdian approach and those approaches that consider literature as an institution, many practitioners of the latter chose to establish analogies between the two models, based on their interest in the study of the material and symbolical conditions of literary activ- ity and, also, in the sociological grounding of their proposals.
Burger, however, and unlike the others mentioned, proposed an insti- tutional LH, based on a critique of the traditional narrative model and giving a decisive importance to the processes of the avant-garde, with these seen as mo- ments of crisis in which institutional mechanisms are questioned and identified with greater clarity and therefore open to a more precise study.
Of more importance for the creation of an LH is the methodological ap- proach suggested by Peter Uwe Hohendahl in his theory of the literary institu- tion. This is a program that, although ab- solutely aware of the importance of the national in historiographical construc- tion, assimilates the notion of public space and demonstrates an explicit interest in the performative function of LH, literary theory, and criticism in conforming their objects of study.
Xoan Gonzalez-Millan moved away from some of these orientations in his definition of a historiographical model that would suit marginal literatures or, in general, literatures in societies where the institutionalization of discursive production is controlled from an exogenous political space. His program could be applied to peripheral or minority literatures such as Galician literature in the European context, as to literatures in a colonial setting or in the process of emergence the African literatures in Portuguese , and was based on four areas of basic interest: the material and institutional conditions of the production and reception of literary discourse; the reception of literary texts, with all the partic- ularities associated with marginalized experience; the identification of systems of codification on linguistic, aesthetic, and ideological levels; the dynamics of intertextuality Gonzalez-Millan , A comparative analysis of the approaches related to a systemic epistemology and their not very numerous historiographical applications shows the range of functions that each of these could fulfill.
It is clear that the theory of liter- ary field has more potential for the study of literary agents and producers; the theories of literary institution have greater applicability in the study of material conditions and infrastructures and the conditions of readership, diffusion, and market. Polysystem theory, on the other hand, was used with greater frequency for the study of texts and their literary and sociocultural function, making use of the suggestive notion of repertoire. From another perspective, the incorporation of notions such as autonomy and legitimization in the methodological frameworks with a sociological basis such as the theory of literary field or the literary institution allowed for a greater link- ing of systemic-empiric theories and the pragmatic and teleological processes of national construction.
This circumstance explains the success of studies of literary institution or field in peripheral or emerging cultural systems such as the Galician. In the same way, some relationship should be formed between epistemo- logical renovation in the academic sphere and the greater or lesser centrality of literary or cultural areas. In this sense, the perspectives and methodologies of systemic theories seem able to take on the challenges posed by peripheral or emergent literary systems to literary theory and history, especially in terms of the processes of institutionalization and social legitimization inherent in the emer- gence of these new literary systems; the representative case in the lusophone world would be the literatures in Portuguese language of Africa Salinas Portu- gal If the definition of new objects and horizons for research necessarily demands the articulation of renewed conceptual tools, the principal obstacles for their effective application should be located in the use of pragmatic strate- gies based on the repetition of hegemonic models, which have as their aim the international recognition of a literary system.
The inquiry promoted by Neohelicon contained the following questions: 1 Is the methodology of literary history, elaborated in the nineteenth century, still valid? Is it possible that the questions it addresses can be resolved by linguistics, cultural anthropology and sociology, or even philosophy? Does literary history have a justification and space for its existence? Does literary history have any status outside the academy?
Does it create public interest? Does the role and justification of literature diminish because of mass culture and its media? Neohelicon XX, 2: The basic shared principles of these approaches are the understanding of literature as a dynamic phenomenon, the recogni- tion of conflict as the motor for change in the interior of the system, and the integra- tion of literary systems in wider polysystems as an important element in the way they function.
Les regies de Part: Genese et structure du champ litteraire. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Loic J. Reponses: Pour une anthropologie reflexive. Burger, Peter. Cabrera Lopez, Patricia. Una inquietud de amanecer: Literatura y politico en Mexico, Elites, Prosopograffa Contemporanea. Universidad de Valladolid, Cunha, Carlos Manuel Ferreira da. A construfdo do discurso da historia literaria na literatura portuquesa do se'culo XX. Dubois, Jacques. Brussels: Editions Labor, Equipo Glifo. II: E-H.
Escrig, Jose Antonio. Madrid: Arco Libros, Even-Zohar, Itamar. Papers in Culture Research. Gonzalez-Millan, Xoan. Santiago de Compostela: Direction Xeral de Cultura, Hobsbawm, Eric J. The Invention of Tradition. Hohendahl, Peter Uwe. Lambert, Jose. Berlin: Erich Schmidt, Maldonado Aleman, Manuel. Mata, Inocencia. Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, Mignolo, Walter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Salinas Portugal, Francisco. Santiago de Compostela: Editions Laiovento, Schmidt, Siegfried J. Thiesse, Anne-Marie. Paris: Editions du Seuil, Thumerel, Fabrice.
Le champ litteraire jranfaise au XXe siecle: Elements pour une sociologie de la litterature. Paris: Armand Colin, Torres Feijo, Elias J. Carrasco Gonzalez et al. Caceres: Universidad de Extremadura, II: Totosy de Zepetnek, Steven. White, Hayden. Metahistoria: La imayinacion historica en la Europa del siylo XX.
Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, His current lines of research include the theoretical and methodological renovation of literary history and the functional and discursive diversification of contem- porary poetry. He may be reached at isaac. The fact that for Bouterwek the object and the practice of history reflect each other in an ideal totality is symptomatic for the incipient historicism at the beginning of the nineteenth century, in which historia rerum gestarum and the res cjestae themselves, the events and their representation, newly 2 come to coincide.
Herder and Madame de Stael, are grounded in the difference between a European North and South, and they substitute a national ist for an earlier cosmopolitan paradigm of the European Republic of Letters. Bouterwek promotes a European pluralism, as well as the international exchange of ideas, where individual particularities are preserved. As Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht has shown, this kind of literary history was made possible by and depended on the specifically modern notion of a self-reflexive and total- 8 izing History.
Finally, I want to ask how the interrelation of these two aspects —the particularization of literary history and literature as the expression of local particularity —may apply to the specific case of Brazilian literature. The Particularization of Literary History Recent reflections on the possibilities and problems of literary history have stressed the dialectical relation between totality and fragmentation, between the network and the irreducibly particular. The anthologized essays are arranged in chronological order, yet they eschew any clear causal logic and deliberately juxtapose different genres as well as the individual approaches of the different contributors.
While the individual essays are undoubtedly con- ceived as historical contextualizations of the specific texts and authors at hand, the relations between the different essays are programmatically devoid of a clear sequential logic. Instead, a system of indexed names and terms allows the al- ready reasonably informed reader to establish multiple, nonhierarchical rela- tions between the different essays. Its explanations of past happenings are piece- meal, may be inconsistent with each other, and are admitted to be inadequate.
Because it aspires to reflect the past in its mul- tiplicity and heterogeneity, it does not organize the past, and in this sense, it is not history. For a more recent revision of literary history, let me mention an interesting example from Italy, a country with a particularly strong tradition of academic historicism Francesco de Sanctis, Benedetto Croce, Antonio Gramsci and a venerable tradition of writing literary histories.
The three-volume work Atlante della letteratura italiana Atlas of Italian Literature , published by Einaudi, is one of the most ambitious and sophisticated examples of national literary history in recent times. Such an approach appears indeed to be suitable for a national tradition that has been unusually polycentric within the European context. As we have seen with regard to the Atlas of Italian Literature, such a revisionary kind of literary history maintains the general framework of the national while at the same time weakening this category in favor of more local frameworks regions, cities, provinces.
The decentering of the national by the local and subnational is also embodied by another collaborative enterprise of recent times, namely the three-volume Literary Cultures of Latin America. The Novel and Particularity In general, the examples just discussed all share an approach that favors an idea of literary history as nonhierachical, nonconsequential interconnectedness. Even as today we no longer accept unproblematically the national telos of literary expression, we cannot but see literature as an embodiment of particularity.
It is, he says, born of the senses, not of reason, and may be pleasurable or sad, and he notes that neither Latin nor any other language has a corresponding word for it: " E a suydade E porem me parece este nome de suydade tam proprio que o latym nem outra linguagem que eu saiba nom he pera tal sentido semelhante. De se haver [a suidade] algumas vezes com prazer e outras com nojo ou tristeza. He hum mal de que se gosta e hum bem que se padece. He divides the inhabitants of Portugal into five estates : i orators — i.
King Duarte's " Art of Riding " Livro de Ensinanga de hem cavalgar toda sella is written in the same clear and idiomatic style. It tells of riding and hunting and horses; of "the malices of the beasts"; how " good and loyal beasts greatly cheer those who mount them if they have a reasonable skill in riding " ; of the form of spurs and how to use them, and how " the 1 Chapter xcix.
The King, long before Gladstone, warns his readers that they should " masticate food well at meals " and drink only twice or three times at most ; that eggs agree with some and not with others ; that many of cream and other " milk viands " should eat little or none, of cherries, peaches, oysters, vinegar, lemons, little or none ; there are to be seven or eight hours between dinner and supper, and " to go to bed at a reasonable hour and so to rise early is very good. In more than one passage of his works King Duarte unfolds an art de lire of the fifteenth century.
He advises that a good book should be read again and again, since it will ever give new pleasure, and in the preface to the " Art of Riding," as in a similar longer EARLY PROSE 53 passage in O Leal Conselheiro, he bids his readers read slowly: '' Leamno de come90, pouco, passo e bem apontado, tornando alguas vezes ao que ja leerom pera o saberem melhor ; ca se o leerem rijo e muyto junta- mente, como livro destorias, logo desprazera, e se enfa- darom del, por o nom poderem tambem entender nem remembrar. His death was hastened by grief at his brother Fernando's cap- tivity in Africa, and his perplexity as to whether he should yield Ceuta to the Moors for his ransom ; possibly, too, by his seven physicians.
His biographer, Ruy de Pina, says that '' as to the cause of his sudden death there were many opinions among his seven physicians and the Infantes there gathered together. Affonso v. And not without reason, for the teaching of history by the great store of true examples in the past is so sweet and suitable to all men that even the wicked, who through reading or hearing have some part in it, are straightway made good or left with a desire to be so : and the good are made much better.
The force of its virtue is such that either in deed or will it renders the weak strong, the mean liberal, and the cruel merciful, and turns those who are cold in the faith to Catholics and good Christians. In the year he was appointed " Chief Chronicler of Chronicles, and of things past, present, and that are for to come. Joao I. Duarte, D. Affonso V. Joao II. Important, how- ever, as were his services in this respect, he had few followers, and when Almeida- Garrett wrote his plays in the first half of the nineteenth century, he could be hailed as the immediate successor of Vicente.
He is the most spontaneous and natural poet of Portugal. The date of his birth has been given as , chiefly on the ground that the two following lines occur in his comedia Floresta de Enganos, acted at Evora in ; " Ya hice sesenta y seis, Ya mi tiempo es pasado. These words are spoken by the Chief Justice, the doutor Justiga Maior do Reino, a part which, it is argued, may have been played by Vicente himself.
The name Gil Vicente was a common one in the fifteenth century, and Senhor Braga considers that the poet was a different person from the famous silversmith of the same name, who was, he thinks, a cousin, one of four children of Martim's brother Luiz. In Gil Vicente spoke of himself as " near death.
In the preceding year the King's only son, Affonso, had been killed at Gil Vicente. Brito Rebello, Ementas histoncas II. Visconde de Ouguela, Gil Vicente. In this last work General Brito Rebello prints two signatures of Gil Vicente at an interval of twenty years to show that the poet and silversmith were distinct. But the argument from these docu- ments is by no means conclusive, and, in fact, rather strengthens the opposite view of Senhor Anselmo Braamcamp Freire, given in articles entitled Gil Vicente poeta ourives, published in the Jornal do Commercio February, , and again in a paper read before the Lisbon Academia de Sciencias in printed in the Diano de Noticias, December 16, His view rests principally on vol.
The vexed question, raised by C. Castello Branco in 1, awaits fresh documents for its solution. Others give Lisbon or Barcellos as his native town. As King Manoel I. Cancioneiro de Resende. Llhegando com gram dolor Comegan desta manera Gritos dando. Hum que nao tem nem ceitil, Que faz os aitos a elrei. In a 1 " E por ser cousa nova em Portugal gostou tanto a Rainha velha desta representa9ao que pedio ao autor que isto mesmo Ihe represen- tasse as matinas do Natal, endere9ado ao nascimento do Redemptor, e porque a sustan9a era mui desviada, em lugar disto fez a seguinte obra.
Gil Vicente. Maria de Portugal To say that Gil Vicente was thoroughly Portuguese is not to imply that he of his own genius invented a dramatic art for Portugal. No doubt he might find the germs of drama in the dialogues of the early Portuguese cantigas de amigOy in the religious processions, and espe- cially in the drama of the mass, of which secular parodies were acted in Portugal in the fifteenth century.
But in the colophon to his first auto he implies that it was a " new thing " imported from Spain for the pleasure of the Spanish princesses at the Portuguese Court. There are many signs in his work of a close acquaintance with Spanish literature. In the Auto da Fe 15 10 a bed is spoken of as chaqueada d la francesa, and the shepherds sing " hua enselada que veio de Franga. On the death of King Manoel he represents the people longing for rest : " Diria o povo em geral : Bonanza nos seja dada 1 With English masks and morality plays Vicente was probably unacquainted, although, as Senhora Michaelis de Vasconcellos points out, his daughter Paula wrote an English grammar.
Vicente also experienced the change of taste which delighted no longer in simple Portuguese wares but turned to classical themes and the new poetry intro- 1 Cf. Weekley, The Romance of Words. London, , pp. So bandore, banjore, banjo. Vicente's Clerigo da Beira is supposed to aim in more than one passage at Sa de Miranda who, for his part, is said to have despised the autos as barbarous and mediaeval. In December, , Andres Falcao de Resende, after see- ing Vicente's Auto da Lusitania, records his opinion that " Gillo auctor et actor, Gillo jocis levibus doctus perstringere mores," would have excelled Plautus and Terence had he written in Latin and not solely in the vulgar tongue.
Vicente seems to have felt that he was being out- distanced by the " new style. No doubt any borrowings by a poet so natural and original as Gil Vicente would be more noticeable than those of writers whose whole art and outlook were borrowed. Garcia de Resende in this passage explicitly says that Vicente introduced into Portugal the auto pastoril invented by Juan del Encina.
Yo, Sefior, no se latin, Amadis. Ni yo oso hablar romance. Faz-me accender o candieiro E que Ihe tenha o tinteiro, E o seu galgo uivando E eu em pe, renegando Porque ao somno primeiro Esta meu senhor trovando. Sospirar; Despues, en casa renir y grunir De la triste alii cautiva. Quereis-m'o, Padre, ensinar E dar-vos-hei quanto tenho? Se o elle bem tomar. Pera tudo tern engenho E tern voz pera cantar. Toma este papel na mao E le esses versosinhos. Ainda nao sabes nada. Sei onde mora a tendeira. I therefore wish to make my son a priest, not indeed for the vocation, but that he may live at ease.
If you, Padre, will teach him, I will give you all I have. Yes, if he is willing. O he has talent for everything, and he has a good voice. Take this paper in your hand and read these verses. Is it to buy cummin or must I go for saffron? You know nothing at all. I know where the shopwoman lives. Senhor, embora estejais. Embora estejais, Senhora, Que he o que demandais? Eu o direi ora. Ai coitada Que venho ora tiio cansada, " etc. Conhecias tu a Deos?
Moga, Muito bem, era redondo. Esse era o mesmo dos ceos. Mais alvinho qu'estes veos. O vi eu vezes avondo. Como o sino comegava Logo deitava a correr. Que Ihe dizias? Folgava E toda me gloriava Em ouvir missa e o ver. A, Pastora, bom era isso. Diabo, Era a mor mixeriqueira Golosa. He refalsada e mentirosa. Didst thou know God? Very well.
He was round. That was the very God of Heaven. Whiter than these sails. I saw Him often and often. When the bell began to ring I set off running. And what didst thou say to Him? I rejoiced and gloried to hear Mass and to see Him. Shepherdess, that was good. The Devil. She was the greatest gossip ; she is all lies and deceit.
Her husband, who was not content with simple kid and cucumbers for dinner, but wished for carrots and beans and cummin and saffron, sang a Spanish ballad : " Ai Valen9a, guai Valenga, De fogo sejas queimada, Primeiro foste de Moiros Que de Christanos tomada. De la venho madre, De ribas de hum rio. Achei mens amores N'hum rosal florido. Achei meus amores N'hum rosal granado. There found I my love by a rose-tree in flower.
There found I my love by a red rose-tree. His plays were often written hurriedly, as the Auto de S. Ham, ham, ham, ham. Nao ougo co' a caingada. Rapaz, da-lhes hua pedrada Ou fart' OS erama de pao. Co' as pedras os ajude Deos. I cannot hear for this barking.
Throw stones at them, boy, or give them their fill of bread. They must be content with stones. Thus the barking takes the place of the answers to his courting, although presently the old mother makes herself heard to some purpose. The Emperor, says the Devil, has already had his Paradise, and it is really unfair that he should go to it again. The Bishop has earned a passage in the Devil's boat by his " phantasies and haughtiness," the Pope by luxury, pride, and simony. In the Triumpho do Inverno the peasants are lashed in their turn. They are good for nothing, foolish, and malicious, and murmur without understanding : " Que ma cousa sao villaos E a gente popular, Que nao sabem desejar Senao huns desejos vaos Que nao sao terra nem mar ; De nenhum bem dizem bem Nem o sabem conhecer, Murmurao sem entender.
Sometimes they are less prosperous. In the Auto da Feira Mercury upbraids Rome for warring against all sins but her own : " O Roma sempre vi la Que matas peccados ca E leixas viver os teus. Sois livres de todo o mal, Sanctos por certo sem falha, Que quem morre em tal batalha Merece paz eternal. From all evil are you free, Holy are you certainly, Unto him who in such conflict Dies eternal peace is given. El alma del pueblo portugues no respira Integra mas que en Gil Vicente, y gran numero de los elementos mas populares del genio peninsular, en romances y cantares, supersti- ciones y refranes, estan admirablemente engarzados en sus obras, que son lo mas nacional del teatro anterior a Lope de Vega " p.
O masto da fortaleza Como cristal reluzia ; A vela, com fe cosida, Todo o mundo esclarecia. A ribeira mui serena Que nenhum vento bolia. Its flag the flag of hope, O how fair a sight! Its mast the mast of fortitude, And as crystal bright ; The boat's sail, sewn with faith. To all the world gave light. Upon the waters calm No breath of wind may light. Tambem as verduras. Louvae, arvoredos De fruto prezado, Digam os penedos : Deos seja louvado! E louve meu gado Nestas verduras O Deos das alturas. Adore, ye deserts and flowered hills, the God of secret ways, the Lord of life.
Deep streams, praise on the heights the God of living things. Praise him, ye trees of noble fruit, let the rocks say : God be praised. And let my flock praise in these green places the God of the heights. Garrido amor. Fair is love. A friend I loved sends me apples of gold. Some of Vicente's plays were published separately during his lifetime, and the collection of his works was evidently far advanced at his death.
Vicente had written his plays partly under Spanish influence, and his work was in turn imitated in Spain by Lope de Vega and Calderon among others. It is impossible not to connect the scene of the escudeiro coming in to '' dine " on a crust of bread and a shrivelled turnip in Quem tern farelos?
Perhaps, how- ever, both copied from life, or from some earlier source. Vem tao ledo — sus cear! Como se tivesse que ; E eu nao tenho que Ihe dar Nem elle tem que Ih' eu de. Toma hum pedago de pao E hum rabao engelhado, E chanta nelle bocado Como cao. Hamburg, See J. As a poet he ranks second only to Camoes, and may perhaps without exaggeration be called the greatest original genius of Portugal.
On the same page, however, there is a reference to his " large eyes. For Vicente Alvarez. Anno de Edicao feita sobre cinco manuscriptos ineditos e todas as edicoes impressas, acompanhada de um estudo sobre o poeta, variantes, notas, glossario e um retrato, por Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Halle : Max Niemeyer, Crawfurd : Portugal, Old and New. London, , 3 " Diogo Bernardes a quern seguimos em muita parte disto. He early went to Spain, and on his return to Portugal was known as Montemayor. As, however, he was at the University of Lisbon with his future brother-in-law, Manoel Machado de Azevedo, who died about at the age of eighty, this difference in their ages is remarkable.
It is improbable, again, that he was thirty-six when he set out for Italy, a journey dictated apparently by no necessity or disgrace at Court, but by a very natural desire to travel and visit the Italian cities and poets. In he was at the Court of Dom Manoel; in , the year of King Manoel's death, he set out on his travels through Spain and Italy. Todos estes campos cheos Sao de dor e de pesar Que vem pera me matar Debaixo de ceos alheos Em terra estranha e mar, Mai sem meo e mal sem fim Dor que ninguem nao entende Ate quam longe se estende O vosso poder em mim.
A few years later, perhaps in , he retired definitely from the Court. The biography says that this was due to a passage of his eclogue AleixOy "falsely interpreted by envy. Olha aquelle dito antigo : Que enfada muito a verdade. Think not the man your friend who deceives you according to your wishes. Consider the ancient saying that truth is irksome. Que pode tanto a maldade Que faz mal ao desengano.
To tell truth freely without deceit brings with it much hurt, for wickedness has such power that it harms sincerity. In a letter addressed to Sa de Miranda, his brother-in-law advises him to restrain his ardour to reform the world : " Nao queirais emendar tudo No mundo e seu desconcerto. He himself in this letter, as in his Coimbra speech, praises the King in no measured terms, but other writers bear witness to the real popularity of Joao III.
Or, " Ums sobre outros corremos A morrer por vos com gosto ; Grandes testemunhas temos Com que maos e com que rosto Por deus e por vos morremos. SA DE MIRANDA 87 He received from the King a benefice commenda attached to the Order of the Knights of the Convent of Thomar, consisting of a small property situated on the left bank of the River Neiva, in the Archbishopric of Braga, and retired to the country-house which he possessed in the same district, a quinta called A Tapada, " leaving the comfort of the Court, the conversation of his friends, and the hope of greater favour.
The surrounding country is delightful in extreme, one of the pleasantest districts of the pleasant province of Minho, fertile fields and valleys alternating with wooded hills and crystal streams, and the green of maize and vines with the grey of granite. In the glowing heat of summer leafy shade and icily cold springs are never far distant, and in winter the mists give a new charm to the country, southern sun and northern mists combining to form an ideal land of legend, dream, and song. Sa de Miranda, who had a very deep and real love of nature, was keenly alive to the beauty of his surroundings, and by no means looked upon his retire- ment as exile.
Probably his own tastes had as much to do with it as any unpleasant episode at Court. He had always disliked the life of cities. Aqui somente e mandada Da rezao boa e verdade. Nas cortes nao pode ser! Here it is only bound by good reason and truth. In Courts this cannot be. Of his life in this retreat it is possible to piece together a very pleasant picture. His reading was various. Homer he read in the original, even writing notes in his copy in Greek. A copy of Horace was rarely out of his hand parece nao largaua da mdo.
But he evidently led an out-of-door life. Sa de Miranda writes to a friend : " Ora aprendo Ler por elles de giolhos De que sei quam pouco entendo. Mas fossem dines mens olhos De cegar sobre elles lendo. References to wolf-hunting and fishing are many in his works. Beberas nas fontes claras. He knew how excellent was the water of Minho's springs, how preferable were partridges shot in the hills, and fruits gathered with one's own hands to the produce bought in the market.
Alii das fruitas da terra Que da cada tempo a sua , Colhida a mao cada ua! Lembro vos as vossas truitas! Que andao ja per vossas na agua. Often, however, his observations are reminiscences of older poets especially Horace. These two passages, for instance, are perhaps unconscious imitations of Dante, Inferno, v. Or he would meditate by the Neiva or by the fountain near his house, or tend his garden.
Camoes, Lus. I could wish that the peasants only should respect you, for thus will your seed ever produce more fruit. Nunca vi tam boa gente. Se alguem justi9a brada 1 Their masters "live on their'labour " vivem dos nossos snores and eat wheaten bread while they eat oaten : " Comem trigo e nos d'avea, Elles bebem, homem sua, Doi Ihes pouco a dor alhea, Querem que nos doa a sua. The smith lights his forge fire at cock-crow, the cobbler bites his last, and shouts to his sluggish assistant to come from beneath his blanket.
The nobles live securely in the country, and hunt the daring wolves in the wilds, keeping the plains all round their dwell- ings safe for the flocks, and freeing them from the evildoers who work in darkness, so that any who will may go singing to the fair after nightfall, or doze on his mule as he rides along. Acende a fragoa o ferreiro O tempo que o gallo canta ; Morde o couro o 9apateiro, Brada ao mogo ronceiro Que saia de baixo da manta. Vive a nobreza por fora Segura, despovoados Corre cos lobos ousados, Por d'arredor donde mora Mantem livre o campo aos gados, Da ma gente aventureira Que as escuras traz seu trato.
Que possa livre quem queira Cantando ir de noite a feira, Ou dormindo no mulato. Sa de Miranda had married his sister Brio- lanja in King Joao III. Sa de Miranda himself gladly entertained his friends at the Quinta da Tapada 1 " Oh ceas do paraiso Que nunca o tempo vos veii9a! The poet Diogo Bernardes, among others, would leave his beloved Lima some twenty miles north of Braga in order to visit him. Sa de Miranda, says the biography, was " so devoted to music that, although he was not very rich, he kept at his house expensive masters of music to teach his son Hieronymo de Sa, who is said to have excelled in that art, and Diogo Bernardes whom we follow in much of what is here stated said that when he lived at Ponte do Lima, his birthplace, and went over to see him, Sa de Miranda would bid his son play upon various instruments, and sometimes correct him if he made a mistake.
He was sober and austere towards himself, and generous even to excess towards his guests, whom he entertained freely, with excellent taste, being wont to say that conversation with them freed him from himself. Diogo Bernardes hails him as " Light of the Muses, brighter than the sun," and confesses that he imitates his " doce estilo.
Bern se ve que nom se enfada Nas maravilhas que escreve, Que alta fama tem ganhada. E este o monte que foi as Musas dado Em quanto nelle andou quem nos ceos anda? Is this the hill devoted to the Muses when he who is now in heaven sojourned here? Tan tristes, tan tristes, Vistes mis enojos, Un plazer no vistes.
But ne'er saw joy shine. You have seen woe to woe Added at leisure, Ne'er in the long years' flow One hour of pleasure ; O that 'twere given me — Vain my endeavour — Now my last day to see Close you for ever! Senhora Michaelis de Vasconcellos, in her edition of Sa de Miranda's poems, gives a variant of this poem in five verses. Towards the close of his life sorrows fell thick upon him.
In his eldest son, Gon9alo Mendes de Sa, was killed at the age of sixteen in Africa, with many others of the Portuguese nobility at Ceuta. His deep grief is shown plainly 1 See p. This was a heavy blow to Sa de Miranda. Although he might at times look back with regret to the "masks and balls begun at midnight"' of King ManoeFs splendour-loving age, the promise of the coming reign had hitherto been a full recompense. The Prince had even in extreme youth shown himself an enlightened patron of letters.
At his request Sa de Miranda himself had thrice sent him a collection of his works, each with a dedicatory sonnet, and he had en- couraged other poets of the new style. Of one of the youngest of them, Camoes, he apparently never heard. When Sa de Miranda died the hopes of a long 1 " When I sent my son at such an age to die for the faith, if it must be ' ' Quando mandei meu filho em tal idade A morrer pola fe, se assi cumprisse.
E as gra9as temperadas de seu sal? Gil Vicente had deplored the destruc- tion of simpler tastes ; now the vanity and hollowness of the pomp that succeeded them were becoming more and more apparent. The gold of the colonies had been spent on luxuries for the capital, while the provinces became even more depopulated and poverty-stricken, and Vicente's poor esmdeirOy or his fidalgo, maintaining great estate on a small income, abounded in the land. It had been vain for King Manoel to pass sumptuary laws while his own love of show and magnificence encouraged reckless expenditure, and the price of bread rose.
Two years after the death of his eldest son Sa de 1 Damiao de Goes. He died in the year , and was buried in the church of the little village Sao Martinho de Carrazedo, where a Latin inscription marks his tomb. Sa de Miranda occupies one of the most important places in Portuguese literature, partly owing to the intrinsic merits of his poetry, partly because, like 1 "A magoa do que Ihe reuelaua o spirito dos infortunios da sua terra.
They were born perhaps in the same year. They both visited Italy. Boscan began writing in Italian hendecasyllabics in , prob- ably the very year in which Sa de Miranda introduced the new style into Portugal on his return from Italy. Both employed Spanish, an alien tongue for Boscan was a Catalan , and both wrote in their borrowed metres with an awkwardness and harshness which con- trasted with the infinitely more melodious verse of their younger contemporaries, Garcilaso de la Vega and Camoes.
A poem to a sea-sick baron, or the complaint of a courtier in the country that he finds only cheap grapes and no of full coffers and poor hearts : " Que OS cora96is hao de ser Ricos, que os cofres nao, " Cf. El lector de buen gusto camina por aquel interminable arenal sin encontrar apenas un hilo de agua con que mitigar la sed.
And there is also a vulgarity and coarseness never found in Sa de Miranda. Outra cousa forao uvas Outra vinagre rosado! Os que mais sabem do mar Fogem d'ouvir as sereas ; Eu nao me soube guardar : Fui vos ouvir nomear, Fiz minha alma e vida alheas. Opposition is implied in a passage of his letter to Antonio Ferreira : " Um vilancete brando, ou seja um chiste, Letras as inven96is, motes as damas, Ua pregunta escura, esparsa triste!
Tudo bom! Mas porque, Se alguem descobre mais, se Ihe resiste? Buscastesme no meu escondedouro! Both are conventional in subject and manner. Al qual gran don io quanto Devo, sabreis. He has been described as the Chaucer of Portugal, but a fairer description would be to say that he is a Portuguese combination of Horace and La Fontaine. Que claridade tamanha Que fogo nelle aparece! Quanto raio o acompanha! Dize se que o mar d'Espanha Ferve quando neile dece.
Semelha a da nossa gente. What wondrous brilliancy, What fires with it begin, What rays accompany! One or two vivid lines often throw a scene into clear relief, till the peasants and the country live for us. Sa de Miranda persevered corn fe, if sometimes com poca arte, hammering at his verse, and imprinting it with his character. Of the eclogue Basto Senhora Michaelis de Vasconcellos says that no less than four- teen versions exist a proof that he realized its worth , and he himself, in one of his dedicatory sonnets to Prince Joao, writes that he goes on erasing year after year, in battle with his papers : " Eu risco e risco, vou me de anno em anno " " Ando cos meus papeis em differen9as!
No doubt in the quality of his poetry Sa de Miranda cannot be compared with Camoes ; yet there is some- thing so delightfully fresh and individual about a great part of what he wrote that one may wonder that he is not more often read. It is worth while to read him, if only to make acquaintance with his character and his life in Minho. But indeed his work, sometimes crude, never insipid, is crowded with beautiful passages, and his roughnesses of diction in themselves not infre- quently have a certain fascination.
While with the former the new doce estilo runs rough and uneven like the turbulent Spanish Tajo between rocks, in Camoes it flows with the smooth majesty of the Tejo suave e brando. Cervantes speaks of him in Don Quixote as "el excelentisimo Camoes. Commentados pelo Licenciado Manoel Correa. For Pedro Crasheeck. Anno Correa says in a prefatory note : " Fiz ha muytos annos estas anno- tagoes. It is reprinted, with slight variations, in Rimas de Lvis de Camoes.
Segunda parte. Na ojjlcina de Pedro Crasheeck, Ao estudioso da licam poetica. The epitaph ascribed to Coutinho is here omitted the words " with this epitaph " being replaced by "with an epitaph " and is printed separately after the life. The exact date of his birth is unknown, the year assigned having varied from to ; but the year is noW' generally accepted. It is beyond all doubt that he was Camdes, Principe dos poetas heroycos S' lyricos de Hespanha, novamente dadas a luz com os seus Lusiadas commentados pelo Lecenciado Manoel Correa.
Lisboa Occidental : na officina de Josepho Lopes Ferreira, He himself quotes copiously from Aristotle, Statins, and other classical writers, but tells us comparatively little of Camoes' life. Agora de novo impressos com algumas annotagoes de varies autores. Lisboa, ; the brief preface in the edition, etc. Nebst geschichtlicher Ein- leitung, von Wilhelm Storck. Paderborn, This is the most rigorously critical life of Camoes. Michaelis de Vasconcellos : Wilhelm Storck. Vida e Obras de Luis de Camdes. Primeira parte. Versao do original allemao, annotada por Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos.
The title-page bears the date , the cover , and a note inserted at the end of the volume is dated Porto, 30 March, Zum ersten Male deutsch von Wilhelm Storck. Also her introduction to the edition of the Lusiads in the Bibliotheca Romanica, vol. Epoca e Vida. A Obra lyrica e epica. Bibliographia Camoniana. Por J. Oliveira Martins. This writer was so given to mystifications and inventions that no implicit trust can be placed in any of his statements ; and this particular statement is rejected by Storck as a gross fabrication.
Storck objects that a list of the persons not the principal persons, since in a second quotation, showing that Camoes actually sailed in , Faria e Sousa gives the name of a common soldier going to serve in India during a century and a half would fill many volumes; that Cam5es was called at this time 1 The King's letter of pardon, March 7, : Elle sopricante he hum mancebo. Severim de Faria, on the authority of Correa, gave the date of Camoes' birth as 15 17, but in the same notice says that he died in at an age not exceed- ing fifty-five. Camoes' birthplace is equally uncertain. Alemquer, Santarem his mother's birthplace , Coimbra, and Lisbon have all claimed the honour.
Here again the principal authorities are divided. Manoel Correa of Lisbon says that he was " born and brought up in the city of Lisbon " and not at Coimbra, as some had thought, from the fact that his ancestors lived there. Some years earlier the bookseller Domingos Fernandes of Coimbra declared in the dedication of the Rimas : Lisboa : Pedro Crasbeeck, that he was born in the city of Coimbra.
His family had long resided at 1 As, perhaps, in the carta de perddo. Among modern writers Senhor Braga supports the Lisbon attribution, while Dr. Storck makes ou. For he was the son of Simao Vaz de Camoes, born in this city [i. And he was the great-grand- son of Jo2o Vaz de Camoes, inhabitant of Coimbra. An official document shows that " Ana de Sa, mother of Luis de Camois," was alive, "very old and poor," in and in ; but according to Mariz the name of Camoes' mother was Anna de Macedo.
E bisneto de Joao Vaz de Camoes, morador em Coimbra. Storck is con- vinced, was Anna de Macedo his mother, who died at his birth, and Anna de Sa his stepmother, who allowed herself to figure in official documents as his mother either from being habitually so called or in order to obtain the pension? Camoes in all probability studied at the University of Coimbra, although here again we have no definite knowledge. It would seem that he spent at Coimbra, in the lovely valley of the Mondego, the happiest years of his life.
But it re- mained the metropolis of a vast new empire. Lusiads, iv. O rubi fine, o rigido diamante.
The wealth from the Indies had created a brand-new " aristocracy. Composta de nouo per Damiam de Goes. De aqui vejo os Cortesaos que passao e que passeao essa pra9a. To all, fortunate or miserable, absence from the city was banishment — an aspero de- gredo. Camoes was possibly received at Court ; certainly he found a welcome in many houses of the nobility. The subject of the Auto d'El-Rei SeleucOy with its reflections on the conduct of the late King Manoel, may have contributed to his disgrace.
He recognizes that he was in part to blame, in the sonnet beginning : " Erros meus, ma fortuna, amor ardente Em minha perdi9ao se conjuraram. The service was a harassing one, owing to the desultory attacks of the Moors and owing to the fact that the supplies for the Portuguese troops arrived irregularly or not at all. Storck speaks as " magnificent stanzas, unrivalled in Portu- guese lyrical poetry, unless parallels may be found in Camoes' own poems. On the day of Corpus Christi, June 16, , when all the business of the city was suspended in order to celebrate the solemn procession, Gongalo Borges, a Court official, crossing the Rocio on horseback, was treated with scant respect by two masked men.
Camoes, recognizing the two men as his friends, in the quarrel that ensued drew his sword and wounded the Court official. For this he was arrested and thrown into prison, where he lay for close upon nine months. His troubles had now begun in earnest. Imprisonment at that time — " no tronquo desta cidade " — must have been in itself a terrible ordeal, and he only left it for exile. The letter speaks of him as being '' young and poor," and says that '' he is going to serve me this year in India. In Maussen, M.
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