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Title: Leadership in Challenging Situations , [Yr: ]. Senate , [Yr: ]. Title: Leadership in Education , [Yr: ]. Author: Fitch, Brian D. Title: Leadership in organizations , [Yr: ]. Title: Leadership in Psychiatry , [Yr: ].

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Title: Leadership in Social Care , [Yr: ]. Author: Van Zwanenberg, Zo? Title: Leadership in Whitehall , [Yr: ]. Author: Theakston, Kevin; Trevelyan, Charles. Author: Bourantas, Dimitris; Agapitou, Vasia. Author: Nevarez, Carlos; Wood, J. Title: Leading a Support Group , [Yr: ]. Title: Leading Complex Projects , [Yr: ]. Title: Leading Dispersed Teams , [Yr: ]. Martti Ahtisaari: Yes, both across the border as well.

Some of them had been at that meeting, and were especially delighted to have a meeting with Archbishop Tutu. President Robinson, you have been a champion of human rights throughout your life, and you were the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Would you explain how climate change issues and human rights issues are tightly connected?

Off-grid energy will help the poorest to cope well and actually take themselves out of poverty. And everywhere, the peace and security issue, and then the climate — it came up. Mary Robinson: I think one is exacerbating the other. And in conflict-affected countries, they also, by and large, are climate-vulnerable countries — part of the injustice of how our rich lifestyles and use of fossil fuels are contributing now to undermining [efforts to address] poverty.

And you received the Nobel Peace Prize.

Crime is changing, and so are we

What are the most important factors in international conflict resolution? Why have you been so successful? Martti Ahtisaari: First of all, you have to get the support of the countries whose support is absolutely vital. So I learned it very early on, and I have been able to — perhaps not always using the Permanent Five to support me, but individual governments among them. So I never forget this, because if you could get all these to do that which made it possible for me and 8, UN people to go to Namibia, you also have to be flexible in that sense.

Martti Ahtisaari: Perhaps my best trademark is that when I have a new assignment, I try to pick the best people in the world to help me because the teams are small. The mediator, in my mind, is in charge of strategic planning. And I have been very lucky, and I have very faithful colleagues. Now, we are in Ireland… So I can say that when I had my first experience with the Irish police officers who were helping me in Namibia, I took them to many other missions which I carried out because I knew that I could trust them, and they could do the work which was needed.

Japan at the moment is having territorial issues with Russia, China and South Korea.

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  • This situation may turn out to be rather difficult because every time those leaders condemned Japan, their approval ratings shot up. How can we approach this kind of issue peacefully? Do you have any advice for the Japanese government to deal with this problem?

    I trust that every political leader in the world approaches these sorts of issues wisely, because I think it would be a major failure if it would lead to any military actions on these sorts of issues. I would like to see Japan, for instance, as a permanent member of the Security Council because the reform of the Security Council is long overdue. Cool analysis, talks, dialogue… and if they need friends to help in that sort of process, I think that that is always possible.

    And so we have to address all the issues that prevent that. And that brought me to Malawi in January, because President Joyce Banda is a member of that Council, and we had some very good people with us — Joy Phumaphi from Botswana, who has a long record in health — and we were looking at the situation in Malawi, which is a lovely country with beautiful people, but a very poor agricultural country.

    What struck me… I identified with the population of Malawi in the s, because it was the same as the Republic of Ireland — three million. But everybody predicts — the World Bank, UN — that by , the population will be 50 million; by the end of the century, it will be million.

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    So this is the pressure of the need to address this. Of the participants, were from grassroots communities around the world. It was really very vibrant and interesting, because for the first time, those who work on food security in their communities were talking to policy makers. And the extraordinary thing was that the policy makers, for the first time, were listening to those who know the answer. I think the Elders share that very, very strongly. Martti Ahtisaari: I very much share the same views. I always say that charity has to start at home, so if I look at my own organisation, the CEO of Crisis Management Initiative — which I founded after my presidency in — is a woman.

    The majority of the people working there are women — not because they are women, but because they have the necessary competence. And more than half of the entrants to universities today in Helsinki, for instance, are women. I share that passion with Mary — very much so — because if we fail in that, then we fail in development.

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    And they are so pleased. We want to do this. How can we eliminate this double standard, and make these institutions international in their true sense? Martti Ahtisaari: First of all, I think we have to get all the countries to join these institutions and accept their jurisdiction. Mary Robinson: And if I could just say, in the context of the Great Lakes, it was really significant that one of the people who was charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity, Bosco Ntaganda, actually entered Rwanda and went to the US Embassy.

    And it was the US Embassy, with the support of the government of Rwanda, that handed him over. He actually asked to be handed over to The Hague, because he was afraid of being killed otherwise. When I was there, everybody talked about it, so the fact that the ICC is there is actually very useful, very important. But that is not always the case, because sometimes a statesman must choose among evils. What are your thoughts on this disparity between individual morality and government morality? I think it is the case that there is too much realpolitik in diplomacy, and not enough holding to account.

    Our new Chair, Kofi Annan, has just published a report with the Africa Progress Panel on the extractive industries in Africa — in particular, in the Great Lakes — showing the complicity with corporations and political figures.

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    So I think we just need to be more rigorous, address issues of impunity and have less of a double standard, as you say. I opposed very strongly — as High Commissioner for Human Rights and afterwards — the war in Iraq, very publicly. We are not talking any more of humanitarian intervention. It was the first time that the international community used that decision.

    Because if leaders misbehave, then the international community has a responsibility to do something about it, and not simply look aside. This was the first attempt but I thought that that was a historic thing as such, and hopefully we can get decisions before interventions take place.

    So the less the disparity between the individual and public, the better. Chuo-Koron: According to the annual survey of Transparency International, the least corrupt nations are Denmark, Finland and New Zealand — and Sweden and Norway are also ranked among the least. On the other hand, poor nations like Somalia, North Korea, Sudan, Myanmar and Afghanistan ranked as the most corrupt nations. Why did the Scandinavian countries succeed in getting rid of corruption?

    You mentioned that Nordic countries have particular responsibilities in mediating between countries in conflict. We need responsible market economies, which we have developed in Nordic societies as a responsible welfare model. It has taken us a long, long time. We are very small societies; my own country is 5. We have good education, good health care, etc. And I think it is important that we not only pay attention in the world to how well the elections are organised, but also to what those who come to power do with their power.