This alternative is offered, as such an alternative must be in our parliamentary democracy, by a political party capable of securing a majority in the House of Commons and sustaining a Government. This call to vote Labour surprised some of Powell's supporters who were more concerned with beating socialism than the supposed loss of national independence. At this moment a heckler shouted "Judas! Judas was paid! I am making a sacrifice! It is part of me Powell, in an interview on 26 February, said he would be voting for Helene Middleweek , the Labour candidate, rather than the Conservative Nicholas Budgen.
He later said: "I had had my revenge on the man who had destroyed the self-government of the United Kingdom". Although the Tories had won the most votes, Labour finished five seats ahead of the Conservatives. The national swing to Labour was 1 per cent; 4 per cent in Powell's heartland, the West Midlands conurbation ; and 16 per cent in his old constituency although Budgen won the seat. In a sudden general election in October , Powell returned to Parliament as Ulster Unionist MP for South Down , having rejected an offer to stand as a candidate for the far-right National Front , formed seven years earlier and fiercely opposed to non-white immigration.
He repeated his call to vote Labour because of their policy on the EEC. Since , Powell had been an increasingly frequent visitor to Northern Ireland , and in keeping with his general British nationalist viewpoint, he sided strongly with the Ulster Unionists in their desire to remain a constituent part of the United Kingdom.
From early , he opposed, with increasing vehemence, Heath's approach to Northern Ireland, the greatest breach with his party coming over the imposition of direct rule in He strongly believed that it would survive only if the Unionists strove to integrate completely with the United Kingdom by abandoning devolved rule in Northern Ireland.
He refused to join the Orange Order , the first Ulster Unionist MP at Westminster never to be a member and, to date, one of only four, the others being Ken Maginnis , Danny Kinahan and Sylvia Hermon , and he was an outspoken opponent of the more extremist loyalism espoused by the Reverend Ian Paisley and his supporters. During its second reading, Powell warned of passing legislation "in haste and under the immediate pressure of indignation on matters which touch the fundamental liberties of the subject; for both haste and anger are ill counsellors, especially when one is legislating for the rights of the subject".
He said terrorism was a form of warfare that could not be prevented by laws and punishments but by the aggressor's certainty that the war was impossible to win. When Heath called a leadership election at the end of , Powell claimed they would have to find someone who was not a member of the Cabinet that "without a single resignation or public dissent, not merely swallowed but advocated every single reversal of election pledge or party principle".
Powell replied she was correct to exclude him: "In the first place I am not a member of the Conservative Party and secondly, until the Conservative Party has worked its passage a very long way it will not be rejoining me". The electorate voted 'Yes' by a margin of more than two to one. On 23 March , in a vote of confidence against the minority Labour government, Powell, along with a few other Ulster Unionists, abstained.
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The government won by votes to , and remained in power for another two years. Powell said that the only way to stop the Provisional IRA was for Northern Ireland to be an integral part of the United Kingdom, treated the same as any other of its constituent parts. He said the ambiguous nature of the province's status, with its own parliament and prime minister , gave hope to the PIRA that it could be detached from the rest of the UK:.
Every word or act which holds out the prospect that their unity with the rest of the United Kingdom might be negotiable is itself, consciously or unconsciously, a contributory cause to the continuation of violence in Northern Ireland. Powell had a copy of a State Department Policy Statement  from 15 August , in which the American government said that the "agitation" caused by partition in Ireland "lessens the usefulness of Ireland in international organisations and complicates strategic planning for Europe".
Though he voted with the Conservatives in a vote of confidence that brought down the Labour government on 28 March, Powell did not welcome the victory of Margaret Thatcher in the May election. During the election campaign, Thatcher, when questioned, again repeated her vow that there would be no position for Powell in her cabinet if the Conservatives won the forthcoming general election.
In the days after the election, Powell wrote to Callaghan to commiserate on his defeat, pay tribute to his reign and to wish him well. After a riot in Bristol in , Powell asserted that the media were ignoring similar events in south London and Birmingham, and claimed: "Far less than the foreseeable New Commonwealth and Pakistan ethnic proportion would be sufficient to constitute a dominant political force in the United Kingdom able to extract from a government and the main parties terms calculated to render its influence still more impregnable.
Far less than this proportion would provide the bases and citadels for urban terrorism, which would in turn reinforce the overt political leverage of simple numbers". He attacked "the false nostrums and promises of those who apparently monopolise the channels of communication. Who then is likely to listen, let alone to respond, to the proof that nothing short of major movements of population can shift the lines along which we are being carried towards disaster? In the s Powell began espousing the policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament.
In a debate on the nuclear deterrent on 3 March , Powell claimed that the debate was now more political than military; that the UK did not possess an independent deterrent and that through NATO the UK was tied to the nuclear deterrence theory of the United States. Powell presented a scenario of what he thought the last resort would be, namely that the Soviet Union would be ready to invade the UK and had used a nuclear weapon on somewhere such as Rockall to demonstrate their willingness to use it:.
What would the United Kingdom do? Would it discharge Polaris , Trident or whatever against the main centres of population of the Continent of Europe or in European Russia?
If so, what would be the consequence? The consequence would not be that we should survive, that we should repel our antagonist—nor would it be that we should escape defeat.
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The consequence would be that we would make certain, as far as is humanly possible, the virtual destruction and elimination of the hope of the future in these islands. I would much sooner that the power to use it was not in the hands of any individual in this country at all. Powell went on to say that if the Soviet invasion had already begun and the UK resorted to a retaliatory strike the results would be the same: "We should be condemning, not merely to death, but as near as may be the non-existence of our population".
To Powell, an invasion would take place with or without the UK's nuclear weapons and therefore there was no point in retaining them. He said that after years of consideration, he had come to the conclusion that there were no "rational grounds on which the deformation of our defence preparations in the United Kingdom by our determination to maintain a current independent nuclear deterrent can be justified".
On 28 March , Powell gave a speech to Ashton-under-Lyne Young Conservatives where he attacked the "conspiracy of silence" between the government and the opposition over the prospective growth through births of the immigration population and added, " 'We have seen nothing yet' is a phrase that we could with advantage repeat to ourselves whenever we try to form a picture of that future".
He also criticised those who believed it was "too late to do anything" and that "there lies the certainty of violence on a scale which can only adequately be described as civil war". And I hope with all my heart that it isn't true". In July, a riot took place in Toxteth , Liverpool. On 16 July , Powell gave a speech in the Commons in which he said the riots could not be understood unless one takes into consideration the fact that in some large cities between a quarter and a half of those under 25 were immigrant or descended from immigrants.
He read out a letter he had received from a member of the public about immigration that included the line: "As they continue to multiply and as we can't retreat further there must be conflict". Powell predicted "inner London becoming ungovernable or violence which could only effectively be described as civil war" and Flannery intervened again to ask what Powell knew about inner cities. He replied: "I was a Member for Wolverhampton for a quarter of a century.
What I saw in those early years of the development of this problem in Wolverhampton has made it impossible for me ever to dissociate myself from this gigantic and tragic problem". He also criticised the view that the causes of the riots were economic: "Are we seriously saying that so long as there is poverty, unemployment and deprivation our cities will be torn to pieces, that the police in them will be the objects of attack and that we shall destroy our own environment? Of course not".
Dame Judith Hart attacked his speech as "an evil incitement to riot". Powell replied: "I am within the judgment of the House, as I am within the judgment of the people of this country, and I am content to stand before either tribunal". After the Scarman Report on the riots was published, Powell gave a speech on 10 December in the Commons. Powell disagreed with Scarman when he said that the black community was alienated because it was economically disadvantaged: the black community was alienated because it was alien.
He said tensions would worsen because the nonwhite population was growing: whereas in Lambeth it was 25 per cent, of those of secondary school age it was 40 per cent. Powell said that the government should be honest to the people by telling them in thirty years' time, the black population of Lambeth would have doubled in size. Edward Norman then Dean of Peterhouse had attempted to mount a Christian argument for nuclear weapons.
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The discussion moved on to "Western values". Mrs Thatcher said in effect that Norman had shown that the Bomb was necessary for the defence of our values. Powell: "No, we do not fight for values. I would fight for this country even if it had a communist government. If I send British troops abroad, it will be to defend our values. They can neither be fought for, nor destroyed. She had just been presented with the difference between Toryism and American Republicanism.
When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands in April , Powell was given secret briefings on Privy Councillor terms on behalf of his party. On 3 April, Powell said in the Commons that the time for inquests on the government's failure to protect the Falkland Islands would come later and that although it was right to put the issue before the United Nations , the UK should not wait upon that organisation to deliberate but use forceful action now. He then turned to face Thatcher: "The Prime Minister, shortly after she came into office, received a sobriquet as the 'Iron Lady'. It arose in the context of remarks which she made about defence against the Soviet Union and its allies; but there was no reason to suppose that the right hon.
Lady did not welcome and, indeed, take pride in that description. In the next week or two this House, the nation and the right hon. Lady herself will learn of what metal she is made". On 14 April, in the Commons, Powell said: "it is difficult to fault the military and especially the naval measures which the Government have taken". He added: "We are in some danger of resting our position too exclusively upon the existence, the nature and the wishes of the inhabitants of the Falkland Islands I do not think that we need be too nice about saying that we defend our territory as well as our people.
There is nothing irrational, nothing to be ashamed of, in doing that. Indeed, it is impossible in the last resort to distinguish between the defence of territory and the defence of people". Powell also criticised the United Nations Security Council's resolution calling for a "peaceful solution". He said whilst he wanted a peaceful solution, the resolution's meaning "seems to be of a negotiated settlement or compromise between two incompatible positions—between the position which exists in international law, that the Falkland Islands and their dependencies are British sovereign territory and some other position altogether It cannot be meant that one country has only to seize the territory of another country for the nations of the world to say that some middle position must be found.
If that were the meaning of the resolution of the Security Council, the charter of the United Nations would not be a charter of peace; it would be a pirates' charter. It would mean that any claim anywhere in the world had only to be pursued by force, and points would immediately be gained and a bargaining position established by the aggressor". On 28 April, Powell spoke in the Commons against the Northern Ireland Secretary's Jim Prior plans for devolution to a power-sharing assembly in Northern Ireland: "We assured the people of the Falkland Islands that there should be no change in their status without their agreement.
Yet at the very same time that those assurances were being repeated, the actions of the Government and their representatives elsewhere were belying or contradicting those assurances and showing that part at any rate of the Government was looking to a very different outcome that could not be approved by the people of the islands. Essentially, exactly the same has happened over the years to Northern Ireland". He further claimed that power-sharing was a negation of democracy. The next day Powell disagreed with the Labour Party leader Michael Foot 's claim that the British government was acting under the authority of the United Nations: "The right of self-defence—to repel aggression and to expel an invader from one's territory and one's people whom he has occupied and taken captive—is, as the Government have said, an inherent right.
It is one which existed before the United Nations was dreamt of". On 13 May Powell said the task force was sent "to repossess the Falkland Islands, to restore British administration of the islands and to ensure that the decisive factor in the future of the islands should be the wishes of the inhabitants" but the Foreign Secretary Francis Pym desired an "interim agreement": "So far as I understand that interim agreement, it is in breach, if not in contradiction, of each of the three objects with which the task force was dispatched to the South Atlantic.
There was to be a complete and supervised withdrawal of Argentine forces There is no withdrawal of British force that 'corresponds' to the withdrawal from the territory of the islands of those who have unlawfully occupied them. We have a right to be there; those are our waters, the territory is ours and we have the right to sail the oceans with our fleets whenever we think fit. So the whole notion of a 'corresponding withdrawal', a withdrawal of the only force which can possibly restore the position, which can possibly ensure any of the objectives which have been talked about on either side of the House, is in contradiction of the determination to repossess the Falklands".
After British forces successfully recaptured the Falklands, Powell asked Thatcher in the Commons on 17 June, recalling his statement to her of 3 April: "Is the right hon. Lady aware that the report has now been received from the public analyst on a certain substance recently subjected to analysis and that I have obtained a copy of the report? It shows that the substance under test consisted of ferrous matter of the highest quality, that it is of exceptional tensile strength, is highly resistant to wear and tear and to stress, and may be used with advantage for all national purposes?
I agree with every word that he said". Powell wrote an article for The Times on 29 June, in which he said: "The Falklands have brought to the surface of the British mind our latent perception of ourselves as a sea animal. No assault on a landward possession would have evoked the same automatic defiance, tinged with a touch of that self sufficiency which belongs to all nations". The United States' response was "very different but just as deep an instinctual reaction It was the position of the Falkland Islands in relation to that route which gave and gives them their significance—for the United States above all.
The British people have become uneasily aware that their American allies would prefer the Falkland Islands to pass out of Britain's possession into hands which, if not wholly American, might be amenable to American control. In fact, the American struggle to wrest the islands from Britain has only commenced in earnest now that the fighting is over". Powell then said there was "the Hispanic factor": "If we could gather together all the anxieties for the future which in Britain cluster around race relations Writing in The Guardian on 18 October, Powell asserted that due to the Falklands War, "Britain no longer looked upon itself and the world through American spectacles" and the view was "more rational; and it was more congenial; for, after all, it was our own view".
He quoted an observation that Americans thought their country was "a unique society He denounced the "manic exaltation of the American illusion" and compared it to the "American nightmare". Powell also disliked the American belief that "they are authorised, possibly by the deity, to intervene, openly or covertly, in the internal affairs of other countries anywhere in the world".
The UK should dissociate herself from American intervention in the Lebanon: "It is not in Britain's self-interest alone that Britain should once again assert her own position. A world in which the American myth and the American nightmare go unchallenged by question or by contradiction is not a world as safe or as peaceable as human reason, prudence and realism can make it". Speaking to the Aldershot and North Hants Conservative Association on 4 February , Powell blamed the United Nations for the Falklands War by the General Assembly resolution of December that stated "its gratitude for the continuous efforts made by the Government of Argentina to facilitate the process of decolonisation" and further called on the UK and Argentina to negotiate.
Powell said that "it would be difficult to imagine a more cynically wicked or criminally absurd or insultingly provocative action". As had voted for this resolution, with only the UK voting against it with 32 abstentions , he claimed it was not surprising that Argentina had continually threatened the UK until this threatening turned into aggression: "It is with the United Nations that the guilt lies for the breach of the peace and the bloodshed". The UN knew that no international forum had ruled against British possession of the Falklands but had voted its gratitude to Argentina who wanted to annexe the Islands from their rightful owners.
It was therefore "disgraceful" for the UK to belong to such a body that engaged in "pure spite for spite's sake against the United Kingdom": "We were, and are, the victims of our own insincerity. For over thirty years we have sanctimoniously and dishonestly pretended respect, if not awe, for an organisation which all the time we knew was a monstrous and farcical humbug. The moral is to cease to engage in humbug, which almost all have happily and self-righteously engaged in for a generation". In an article for the Sunday Telegraph on 3 April, Powell expressed his opposition to the Labour Party's manifesto pledge to outlaw fox hunting.
He claimed that angling was much crueller and that it was just as logical to ban the boiling of live lobsters or eating live oysters. The ceremonial part of fox hunting was "a side of our national character which is deeply antipathetic to the Labour party". On 31 May Powell gave a speech at Downpatrick against nuclear weapons. Powell claimed that war could not be banished because "War is implicit in the human condition". The "true case against the nuclear weapon is the nightmarish unreality and criminal levity of the grounds upon which its acquisition and multiplication are advocated and defended".
Thatcher had claimed nuclear weapons were our defence "of last resort". Powell said he supposed this to mean "that the Soviet Union , which seems always to be assumed to be the enemy in question, proved so victorious in a war of aggression in Europe as to stand upon the verge of invading these islands. Suppose further, because this is necessary to the alleged case for our nuclear weapon as the defence of last resort, that, as in , the United States was standing aloof from the contest but that, in contrast with , Britain and the Warsaw Pact respectively possessed the nuclear weaponry which they do today.
Such must surely be the sort of scene in which the Prime Minister is asserting that Britain would be saved by possession of her present nuclear armament. I can only say: 'One must be mad to think it'. For us to use the weapon would therefore be equivalent to more than suicide: it would be genocide—the extinction of our race—in the literal and precise meaning of that much abused expression. Would anybody in their senses contemplate that this ought to be our choice or would be our choice? Powell further stated that the continental nations held the nuclear weapon in such esteem that they had conventional forces "manifestly inadequate to impose more than brief delay upon an assault from the East.
The theory of nuclear deterrence states that, should Warsaw Pact forces score substantial military successes or make substantial advances this side of the Iron Curtain , the United States would initiate the suicidal duel of strategic nuclear exchanges with the Soviet Union. One can only greet this idea with an even more emphatic 'One must be mad to think of it'. That a nation staring ultimate military defeat in the face would choose self-extermination is unbelievable enough; but that the United States, separated from Europe by the Atlantic Ocean , would regard the loss of the first pawn in the long game as necessitating harakiri is not describable by the ordinary resources of language".
The reason why governments, including in the US, supported nuclear weapons was that "enormous economic and financial interests are vested in the continuation and elaboration of nuclear armaments. I believe, however, that the crucial explanation lies in another direction: the nuclear hypothesis provides governments with an excuse for not doing what they have no intention of doing anyhow, but for reasons which they find it inconvenient to specify".
On 2 June, Powell spoke against the stationing of US cruise missiles in the UK and claimed the United States had an obsessive sense of mission and a hallucinatory view of international relations: "The American nation, as we have watched their proceedings during these last 25 years, will not, when another Atlantic crisis, another Middle East crisis or another European crisis comes, wait upon the deliberations of the British Cabinet, whose point of view and appreciation of the situation will be so different from their own". In , Powell claimed that the Central Intelligence Agency had murdered Earl Mountbatten of Burma , and that the assassinations of the MPs Airey Neave and Robert Bradford were carried out at the direction of elements in the Government of the United States of America with the strategic objective of preventing Neave's policy of integration of Ulster fully into the United Kingdom.
In late minor race riots between the African immigrant community and the police broke out in London and in Birmingham , leading Powell to repeat his warning that ethnic civil conflict would be the ultimate outcome of foreign mass migration into the British Isles , and re-issue his call for a government sponsored programme of repatriation. Lady understand—if she does not yet understand she soon will—that the penalty for treachery is to fall into public contempt?
Along with other Unionist MPs , Powell resigned his seat in protest and then narrowly regaining it at the ensuing by-election. In , Prime Minister Thatcher visited the Soviet Union, which signified to Powell a "radical transformation which is in progress in both the foreign policy and the defence policy of the United Kingdom". The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative or "Star Wars": "Star wars raised the terrible prospect that there might be an effective means of neutralising the inter-continental ballistic missile, whereby the two great giants who held what had become to be seen as the balance of terror would contract out of the game altogether: the deterrent would be switched off by the invulnerability of the two providers of the mutual terror".
America's "European allies were brought along to acquiesce in the United States engaging in the rational activity of discovering whether there was after all some defence against nuclear attack That was the first recent event which shook to its foundations the nuclear deterrent with which we had lived these last 30 years".
The second event was Mikhail Gorbachev 's offer of both the Soviet Union and the United States agreeing to abolish intermediate-range ballistic missiles. Powell said that Thatcher's "most significant point was when she went on to say that we must aim at a conventional forces balance. So, after all our journeys of the last 30 or 40 years, the disappearance of the intermediate range ballistic missile revived the old question of the supposed conventional imbalance between the Russian alliance and the North Atlantic Alliance".
Powell further claimed that even if nuclear weapons had not existed, the Russians would still not have invaded Western Europe: "What has prevented that from happening was It was that fear, that caution, that understanding, that perception on the part of Russia and its leaders that was the real deterrent against Russia committing the utterly irrational and suicidal act of plunging into a third world war in which the Soviet Union would be likely to find itself confronting a combination of the greatest industrial and economic powers in the world". Powell said, "In the minds of the Russians the inevitable commitment of the United States in such a war would have come not directly or necessarily from the stationing of American marines in Germany, but, as it came in the previous two struggles, from the ultimate involvement of the United States in any war determining the future of Europe".
Thatcher's belief in the nuclear hypothesis "in the context of the use of American bases in Britain to launch an aggressive attack on Libya, that it was 'inconceivable' that we could have refused a demand placed upon this country by the United States. The Prime Minister supplied the reason why: she said it was because we depend for our liberty and freedom upon the United States. Once let the nuclear hypothesis be questioned or destroyed, once allow it to break down, and from that moment the American imperative in this country's policies disappears with it".
At the start of general election , Powell claimed the Conservatives' prospects did not look good: "I have the feeling of ". He claimed that Chernobyl had strengthened "a growing impulse to escape from the nightmare of peace being dependent upon the contemplation of horrific and mutual carnage. Events have now so developed that this aspiration can at last be rationally, logically and—I dare to add—patriotically seized by the people of the United Kingdom if they will use their votes to do so".
However, Powell lost his seat in the election by votes to the Social Democratic and Labour Party 's Eddie McGrady , mainly because of demographic and boundary changes that resulted in there being many more Irish Nationalists in the constituency than before. The boundary changes had arisen due to his own campaign for the number of MPs representing Northern Ireland to be increased to the equivalent proportion for the rest of the United Kingdom, as part of the steps towards greater integration.
McGrady paid tribute to Powell, recognising the respect he was held by both Unionists and Nationalists in the constituency. Powell said, "For the rest of my life when I look back on the 13 years I shall be filled with affection for the Province and its people, and their fortunes will never be out of my heart". He received a warm ovation from the mostly Nationalist audience and as he walked off the platform, he said the words Edmund Burke used on the death of candidate Richard Coombe: "What shadows we are, what shadows we pursue".
When a BBC reporter asked Powell to explain his defeat, he replied: "My opponent polled more votes than me". He was offered a life peerage , which was regarded as his right as a former cabinet minister, but declined it. He argued that as he had opposed the Life Peerages Act , it would be hypocritical for him to take one, but even if he was willing to accept a hereditary peerage which would have been extinct upon his death as he had no male heir , Thatcher was unwilling to court the controversy that might have arisen as a result.
Chancellor Helmut Kohl of West Germany had decided to visit Moscow to negotiate German reunification , signalling to Powell that the last gasp of American power in Europe to be replaced by a new balance of power not resting on military force but on the "recognition of the restraints which the ultimate certainty of failure places upon the ambitions of the respective national states". In an interview for the Sunday People in December , Powell said the Conservative Party was "rejoining Enoch" on the European Community but repeated his warning of civil war as the consequence of immigration: "I still cannot forsee how a country can be peaceably governed in which the composition of the population is progressively going to change.
I am talking about violence on a scale which can only be described as civil war. I cannot see there can be any other outcome". It would not be a race war but "about people who revolt against being trapped in a situation where they feel at the mercy of a built-in racial majority, whatever its colour" and claimed that the government had made contingency plans for such an event. The solution, he claimed, was repatriation on a large scale and the cost of doing this in welfare payments and pensions was well worth paying.
In early , he made a programme broadcast in July on his visit to Russia and his impressions on that country. When he visited Russia, Powell went to the graves of , people who died during the siege of Leningrad and saying that he could not believe a people who had suffered so much would willingly start another war. He also went to a veterans' parade wearing his own medals and talked with Russian soldiers with the aid of an interpreter.
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However, the programme was criticised by those who believed that Powell had dismissed the Soviet Union's threat to the West since and that he had been too impressed with Russia's sense of national identity. After Thatcher's Bruges speech  in September and her increasing hostility to a European currency in the last years of her premiership, Powell made many speeches publicly supporting her attitude to Europe.
When Heath attacked Thatcher's speech in May Powell called him "the old virtuoso of the U-turn". In early September , a collection of Powell's speeches on Europe was published titled Enoch Powell on being the year set for the creation of the Single Market by the Single European Act of In a speech at Chatham House for the launch of the book on 6 September, he advised Thatcher to fight the next general election on a nationalist theme as many Eastern European nations previously under Russian rule were gaining their freedom.
Those who lead are always out in front, alone". Thatcher replied, "I am deeply touched by your words. They give me the greatest possible encouragement". On 5 January , addressing Conservatives in Liverpool, Powell said that if the Conservatives played the "British card" at the next general election, they could win; the new mood in the UK for "self-determination" had given the newly independent nations of Eastern Europe a "beacon", adding that the UK should stand alone, if necessary, for European freedom, adding: "We are taunted—by the French, by the Italians, by the Spaniards—for refusing to worship at the shrine of a common government superimposed upon them all I will tell you.
They were either writhing under a hideous oppression or they were aiding and abetting that oppression. Lucky for Europe that Britain was alone in ". The Conservative Party would have to ask, preferably at the next election: "Do you intend still to control the laws which you obey, the taxes you pay and the policies of your government? I always think it was a tragedy that he left. He is a very, very able politician. I say that even though he has sometimes said vitriolic things against me". Thatcher had been labelled "dictatorial" for wanting to "go it alone" in Europe: "Well, I do not mind somebody being dictatorial in defending my own rights and those of my fellow countrymen This was the first election since that Powell was advocating a vote for the Conservative Party.
After Iraq invaded Kuwait on 2 August , Powell said that since the UK was not an ally of Kuwait in the "formal sense" and because the balance of power in the Middle East had ceased to be a British concern after the end of the British Empire, the UK should not go to war. Powell said that " Saddam Hussein has a long way to go yet before his troops come storming up the beaches of Kent or Sussex ". On 21 October, he wrote, "The world is full of evil men engaged in doing evil things. That does not make us policemen to round them up nor judges to find them guilty and to sentence them.
What is so special about the ruler of Iraq that we suddenly discover that we are to be his jailers and his judges? I sometimes wonder if, when we shed our power, we omitted to shed our arrogance". When Thatcher was challenged by Michael Heseltine for the leadership of the Conservative Party during November , Powell said he would rejoin the party, which he had left in February over the issue of Europe, if Thatcher won, and would urge the public to support both her and, in Powell's view, national independence.
He wrote to one of Thatcher's supporters, Norman Tebbit , on 16 November, telling him Thatcher was entitled to use his name and his support in any way she saw fit. Since she resigned on 22 November, Powell never rejoined the Conservatives. Powell wrote the following Sunday: "Good news is seldom so good, nor bad news so bad, as at first sight it appears". Her downfall was due to having so few like-minded people on European integration amongst her colleagues and that as she had adopted a line that would improve her party's popularity, it was foolish of them to force her out. However he added, "The battle has been lost, but not the war.
The fact abides that, outside the magic circle at the top, a deep rooted opposition has been disclosed in the UK to surrendering to others the right to make our laws, fix our taxes, or decide our policies. Running deep beneath the overlay of years of indifference is still the attachment of the British public to their tradition of democracy. Their resentment on learning that their own decisions can be overruled from outside remains as obstinate as ever". Thatcher had relit the flame of independence and "what has happened once can happen again In December , Powell claimed that "Whether Yugoslavia dissolves into two states or half a dozen states or does not dissolve at all makes no difference to the safety and well being of the United Kingdom".
The UK's national interests determined that the country should have "a foreign policy which befits the sole insular and oceanic state in Europe". He praised Budgen for his opposition to the Maastricht Treaty and condemned the rest of the Conservative Party for supporting it. In late , aged 80, Powell was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease. On 5 November, the European printed an article by Powell in which he said he did not expect the European Communities Act to be amended or repealed but added, "Still, something has happened. There has been an explosion. Politicians, political parties, the public itself have looked into the abyss In , the twenty-fifth anniversary of Powell's "Rivers of Blood" speech, Powell wrote an article for The Times , in which he claimed the concentration of immigrant communities in inner cities would lead to " communalism ", which would have grave effects on the electoral system: "communalism and democracy, as the experience of India demonstrates, are incompatible".
Sked went on to lose his deposit at the by-election, polling only votes 1. At Michael Portillo 's 40th birthday party the same month, Thatcher greeted him enthusiastically and asked him: "Enoch, I haven't seen you since your eightieth-birthday dinner. How are you? Powell's opinion of Thatcher had declined after she endorsed John Major at the general election, which he believed to be a repudiation of her fight against European integration after the Bruges speech. On 16 May , Powell spoke at the Bruges Group and said Europe had "destroyed one Prime Minister and will destroy another Prime Minister yet" and demanded powers surrendered to the European Court of Justice to be repatriated.
In June , he wrote an article for the Daily Mail , where he stated that "Britain is waking from the nightmare of being part of the continental bloc, to rediscover that these offshore islands belong to the outside world and lie open to its oceans". Innovations in contemporary society did not worry him: "When exploration has run its course, we shall revert to the normal type of living to which nature and instinct predispose us. The decline will not have been permanent.
The deterioration will not have been irreversible". In his book The Evolution of the Gospel , published in August , Powell said he had arrived at the view that Jesus Christ was not crucified but stoned to death by the Jews. Bishop John Austin Baker commented "He is a great classicist, but theology is out of his academic field.
After his death, Powell's friend Richard Ritchie recorded in that "during one of the habitual coal crises of recent years he told me that he had no objection to supporting the coal industry, either through the restriction of cheap coal imports or subsidy, if it were the country's wish to preserve local coal communities".
In April , he claimed in an interview that for the Conservatives "defeat [at the next election] would help. It helps one to change one's tune". The party was just "slithering around". The same month, he took part at a debate on Europe at the Cambridge Union and won. In July , there was a leadership election for the Conservative Party , in which Major resigned as leader of the party and stood in the election.
Powell wrote, "He says to the Sovereign: I no longer am leader of the majority party in the House of Commons; but I am carrying on as your Prime Minister. Now I don't think anybody can say that—at least without inflicting damage on the constitution".
To seek to offer advice to the Queen whilst unable to feel they could command a majority in the Commons was "tantamount to treating the monarch herself with disrespect and denying the very principle in which our parliamentary democracy is founded". After Major's challenger, John Redwood , was defeated, Powell wrote to him, "Dear Redwood, you will never regret the events of the last week or two.
Patience will evidently have to be exercised—and patience is the greatest of the political virtues—by those of us who want to keep Britain independent and self-governed".
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During the final years of his life, he managed occasional pieces of journalism and co-operated in a BBC documentary about his life in Odd Man Out was broadcast on 11 November. In April , he wrote an article for the Daily Express where he said: "Those who consented to the surrender made in will have to think again. Thinking again means that activity most unthinkable for politicians—unsaying what has been said. The surrender Parliament still has the power thank God to reclaim what has been surrendered by treaty.
It is time we told the other European nations what we mean by being self-governed". He said: "I have lived into an age in which my ideas are now part of common intuition, part of a common fashion. It has been a great experience, having given up so much to find that there is now this range of opinion in all classes, that an agreement with the EEC is totally incompatible with normal parliamentary government.
The nation has returned to haunt us". A few hours after his final admission to hospital, he asked where his lunch was. On being told that he was being fed intravenously, he remarked, "I don't call that much of a lunch". These were his last recorded words. His study of the Gospel of John remained unfinished.
Dressed in a brigadier's uniform, Powell's body was buried in his regiment's plot in Warwick Cemetery, Warwickshire ,  ten days after a family funeral service at Westminster Abbey and public services at St. Over 1, people turned up to Powell's funeral and during the ceremony he was hailed as a man of prophecy, political sacrifice and as a great parliamentarian. He was magnetic.
Listening to his speeches was an unforgettable privilege. He was one of those rare people who made a difference and whose moral compass led us in the right direction. However much we disagreed with many of his views, there was no doubting the strength of his convictions or their sincerity, or his tenacity in pursuing them, regardless of his own political self-interest.
Powell was reading Ancient Greek by the age of five, which he learned from his mother. At the age of 70 he began learning his 14th and final language, Hebrew. Despite his earlier atheism , Powell became a devout member of the Church of England , thinking in "that he heard the bells of St Peter's Wolverhampton calling him" while walking to his flat in his then future constituency. Margaret's, Westminster. Their first daughter, Susan, was born in January , and their second daughter, Jennifer, was born in October Powell's rhetorical gifts were also employed, with success, beyond politics.
His Collected Poems appeared in He translated Herodotus ' Histories and published many other works of classical scholarship. He published a biography of Joseph Chamberlain , which treated the split with William Gladstone over Irish Home Rule in as the pivotal point of his career, rather than the adoption of tariff reform , and contained the famous line: "All political lives, unless they are cut off in midstream at a happy juncture, end in failure, because that is the nature of politics and of all human affairs".
His political publications were often as critical of his own party as they were of Labour, often making fun of what he saw as logical fallacies in reasoning or action. When asked by BBC interviewer Michael Parkinson what he regarded as his achievements, he replied "it is doubtful whether any man can say how the world was altered because he was in it. His name had been passed to police by Paul Butler , the Bishop of Durham , after allegations of Powell's involvement in historic child abuse had been made by one individual in the s to the then Bishop of Monmouth , Dominic Walker.
Following a long illness, Pamela Powell died in November at the age of 91, 19 years after her husband. Powell delivered his Rivers of Blood speech on 20 April , a poll which was taken after the speech reported that 74 per cent of Britons agreed with Powell's opinions on mass immigration.
In The Trial of Enoch Powell , a Channel 4 television broadcast in April , on the thirtieth anniversary of his Rivers of Blood speech and two months after his death , 64 per cent of the studio audience voted that Powell was not a racist. Some in the Church of England , of which Powell was a member, took a different view. Upon Powell's death, Barbados -born Wilfred Wood , then Bishop of Croydon , said "Enoch Powell gave a certificate of respectability to white racist views which otherwise decent people were ashamed to acknowledge".
Conservative commentator Bruce Anderson has claimed that the "Rivers of Blood" speech would have come as a complete surprise to anyone who had studied his record: he had been a West Midlands MP for 18 years but had said hardly anything about immigration. Anderson adds that the speech had no effect on immigration, except to make it more difficult for the subject to be discussed rationally in polite society.
Powell's opponents claimed he was far-right , fascist and racist. His supporters claim that the first two charges clash with his voting record on most social issues, such as homosexual law reform he was actually a co-sponsor of a bill on this issue in May and opposed the death penalty , both reforms unpopular among Conservatives at the time, but he kept a low profile to his stance on these non-party "issues of conscience". By the early s, Powell was in support for the campaign on immigration controls. Concerns raised about effects of coloured immigration in communities in his constituency played a part in his commentary.
In March , the month before the "Rivers of Blood" speech, he made his first public references to them in a speech in Walsall , when he described the concern of an anonymous constituent whose daughter was the only white child in her primary school class and suffered bullying from non-white pupils. When Wolverhampton Express and Star journalists failed to find the child or the class, the paper's editor and a then personal friend, Clement Jones, challenged him, stating Jones himself had similar anonymous complaints that were traced to members of the National Front NF.
Powell would not accept the explanation and told Jones he had received "bags of supporting mail" as a result of the Walsall speech. During an interview with the Birmingham Post , a fortnight after Powell's "Rivers of Blood" speech, he was asked whether or not he was a racialist. He replied:. What I would take racialist to mean is a person who believes in the inherent inferiority of one race of mankind to another, and who acts and speaks in that belief.
So the answer to your question of whether I am a racialist is 'No' — unless perhaps, in reverse. I regard many of the peoples in India as being superior in many respects — intellectually for example, and in other respects — to Europeans. Perhaps that is over-reacting. Powell accepted an invitation to appear on David Frost 's evening television programme on 3 January , Frost asked Powell whether or not he was a racialist, Powell replied:. It depends on how you define the word "racialist". If you mean being conscious of the differences between men and nations, and from that, races, then we are all racialists.
However, if you mean a man who despises a human being because he belongs to another race, or a man who believes that one race is inherently superior to another, then the answer is emphatically "No". During the election, Tony Benn declared in a speech that Powell's approach to immigration was 'evil' and said "The flag of racialism which has been hoisted in Wolverhampton is beginning to look like the one that fluttered over Dachau and Belsen.
I am the same man today. In November , Powell also suggested that the problems that would be caused if there were a large influx of Germans or Russians into the UK "would be as serious — and in some respects more serious — than could follow from the introduction of a similar number of West Indies or Pakistanis". Powell said his views were neither genetic nor eugenic and that he never arranged his fellow men on a merit according to their origins. I have and always will set my face like flint against making any difference between one citizen of this country and another on grounds of his origins.
Cariappa , he refused to stay at the Byculla club once it became clear that Cariappa as an Indian would not be allowed to stay there. Nevertheless, Powell's nationalism and accusations of racialism sometimes took a fine line. In when BBC journalist Michael Cockerell asked him about the language he used in "Rivers of Blood" speech, arguing that it could be used by self-proclaimed racialists against non-whites.
In defence of the language he used in the speech, Powell replied:. What's wrong with racism? Racism is the basis of a nationality. Nations are, upon the whole, united by identity with one another, the self-identification of our citizens, and that's normally due to similarities which are regarded as racial differences. Powell further went on to say that "it's not impossible but it's difficult, for a non-white person to be British.
Enoch Powell was, like other politicians such as Keith Joseph , an intellectual in the true sense of the word. He would follow the logic of an intellectual argument to its conclusion, regardless of how unpalatable that conclusion was, and then present it and often expect others to appreciate his process. Powell is usually viewed as being a racist, but that is too simplistic.
Powell was interested in what he saw as being best for Britain. While it is easy to label him a racist, if you view his argument as an intellectual argument, he simply delivered what he considered the reasoned conclusion to it. It was not a reflection on Indian and Pakistani people, only a comment on what immigration from these countries might do to Britain. Powell's speeches and TV interviews throughout his political life displayed a suspicion towards " the Establishment " in general, and by the s there was a regular expectation that he would make some sort of speech or act in a way designed to upset the government and ensure he would not be offered a life peerage and thus be transferred to the House of Lords , which, some believe, he had no intention of accepting so long as Edward Heath sat in the Commons.
Heath remained in the Commons until after Powell's death. He had opposed the Life Peerages Act and felt it would be hypocritical to accept a life peerage himself since no Prime Minister ever offered him a hereditary peerage. Send to. Export RIS. Export BibTeX. Request it.
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Howard Lord. London : Biteback, Enoch John Enoch , Powell, J. Politicians -- Great Britain -- biography. Great Britain -- Politics and Government -- 20th century. ISBN : Includes bibliographical references. Browse by Subject. Explore Syndetics Unbound. Summary This is a critical reassessment of the life and politics of one of Britain's most controversial politicians.
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