This is where it got a bit more interesting seriously as now they had to drive the digger across the lawn to dig the hole near our precious acer. The drama was somewhat relieved by the jolly electricity man who was driving the digger. Actually I had to hide my manic laughter at that point. The digger ended up about 3 feet from my office window.
Which was hung with freshly washed laundry. Fortunately this particular hole yielded more treasure in the form of the damaged cable, which they duly fixed. Except that another entity has to come out to replace the paving slabs. At least while we wait we have a lot of cones to admire. Poor guy. Imagine that — coming back from freezing your nuts off to find the electricity is out. My heart goes out to him. Does it finish there? Not it does not.
How sick have we become? I kept it hidden for hours and hours and eventually cried all over Stephen as it exploded beyond my control. French Monk said that if we deny something it gains in strength, so the only way is to be with it so it loses its power. You are commenting using your WordPress. You are commenting using your Google account.
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Posted on November 1, by Margaret Cahill. Sending much love to you Margaret. Like this: Like Loading About Margaret Cahill After diagnosis of Mantle Cell Lymphoma in , I started this blog to stay in touch with friends, family, and and an ever increasing network of lovely people who sent me healing.
The readership increased and I ended up blogging for all I was worth to try and stay sane through the chemotherapy and stem cell transplant. Then after I went into remission thankfully I was enjoying the writing so much that I have carried on, and the blog seems to have become a bit of a resource for people, which is lovely. It fills in a lot of the gaps between the blogs, and the tone falls somewhere between graveyard humour and explicit details of chemo treatments.
The great majority lived in towns; they were artisans, especially weavers, Those who came to Britain included many skilled craftsmen, silversmiths, watchmakers and. Both their Protestantism and their skills are relevant in explaining why so many Huguenots crossed the Channel. England was second in popularity as a place of refuge only to the Dutch Republic, more popular than Germany or Switzerland or places further afield like America or the Cape of Good Hope.
As a leading Protestant nation, Britain was an obvious possibility for those fleeing Catholic persecution in France. It is noteworthy that comparatively few refugees came in , the actual year of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, or in ; but they arrived in large numbers in , after James II had issued his Declaration of Indulgence.
In other words, the Huguenots did not relish the thought of moving to the lands of another Catholic sovereign, but were strongly attracted to England as soon as the religious conditions seemed acceptable. The other attraction lay in the prospects for employment that were to be found in English towns and cities, especially London. Had Scotland been able to offer similar openings, surely many refugees would have gone there in view of the traditional Franco-Scottish alliance. But Scotland did not have the same markets, and had few towns, so only a few hundred Huguenots went that far north.
Englishmen prized French fashions, and the more far-sighted welcomed both the new techniques that the refugees brought with them and their willingness to work hard. The same factors that encouraged fleeing Huguenots to head across the Channel also encouraged Englishmen to receive them, by and large, with sympathy and kindness. Inevitably there was some opposition; foreigners had never been popular in England, Frenchmen were particularly disliked, and the refugees found themselves in competition with the native poor for work opportunities.
But such resentment was drowned beneath a welter of economic arguments and a flood of emotional support. Following the ideas of Sir William Petty and others, it was argued in the later seventeenth century that the manpower brought by the refugees was valuable, and the Huguenots undoubtedly benefited from the proven economic advantages that had accrued to the country from the Elizabethan foreign Protestant settlements.
The emotional support for the refugees — translated into practical terms through a generous response to public collections ordered throughout the country for their relief — depended upon Stuart Englishmen's conceptions of Catholicism. Anti-Popery was at a peak. Disgust at what was being done to Protestants abroad was paralleled by fears about what might be done by the Catholic James II in England.
Anti-Popery underlay English preparedness to believe the lies of Titus Oates, the length and bitterness of the Exclusion Crisis, and eventually James' loss of his throne. It, more than anything else, ensured that the normal hostility to foreigners would be suspended in the case of the Huguenots.
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When, three years before James' accession, Samuel Bolde warned his readers in a printed sermon that they did not know how soon they might share the refugee condition, he was hitting a vital nerve. The appearance of so many people fleeing government action abroad had no previous parallels in English history.
The Jews who had come to medieval England had been comparatively few in number, although their isolation from their Christian English hosts accentuated their presence. Dutch and Walloon Calvinists arrived in force in Elizabethan England — there were over 15, foreign Protestants in the country in the s, the majority Dutch and almost all of the remainder Walloon and Huguenot — but few needed to come once the independence of the United Provinces was secured.
Most of the refugees from the German Palatinate in were immediately resettled in Ireland and America. Irish and Scottish migrants, who chose to come for their individual economic benefit, belong to a different category. Not until the nineteenth century can any other swell of refugees be said to compare remotely with the Huguenots.
From their ranks have come names so well-known in England that their foreign origins are now hidden beneath a cloak of familiarity: names like Bosanquet, Courtauld, Dollond, Gambier, Garrick, Minet, Portal, Tizard. But the very survival of such names hinders recognition of just how completely the Huguenots have been assimilated.
Nor, of course, is there necessarily anything foreign about them. Other names have become even harder to disentangle.
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Worse still from the historian's point of view, the corruptions and translations may stem from the very earliest months of a refugee's arrival in Britain. It is worth digressing to point out one result of such transmogrifications: estimates of, for example, the number of MPs of foreign extraction in eighteenth-century Parliaments, or of foreign capital tied up in the English banking system during the wars against Louis XIV's France, are likely to be too low, even if based not on the inadequate published naturalisation records but on lengthy, detailed genealogical research.
The number of Huguenots who sought refuge in England was so large, in relation to a national population of perhaps five and a half million at the end of the seventeenth century, that assimilation and intermarriage mean that most English readers of this journal will have some Huguenot blood in their veins. It runs strongly in the upper echelons of English society.
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It runs strongly too in the south-west and south-east of England, and also in Ireland, where a further 10, refugees settled. It is rarer in the north and west, and in Scotland and Wales; the only Huguenot communities known to have had organised congregations north of a line from the Severn to the Wash are the small settlement at Chester and the more substantial one at Edinburgh.
Just as most Huguenot names have vanished in the process of assimilation, many Huguenot contributions go unrecognised as such because they are deeply embedded. David Garrick did so much for the theatre, especially in terms of rehabilitating Shakespeare, that it is hard to remember that he was the grandson of a Huguenot refugee who was an elder of the French Church of London.
No doubt that is as it should be, for — especially after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes robbed them of the hope of toleration in France — the Huguenots proved very willing to become English. Those who came to Elizabethan England had been less prepared to cut all ties with their native country, where the ebb and flow of the fortunes of civil war continued to give them hope of re-establishing themselves when peace finally arrived.
Protestants from Dieppe, for instance, took refuge in Rye and Winchelsea on the Kent coast on several occasions, only to return to France when. After the fall of La Rochelle in and the Peace of Ales the following year, however, the Huguenots could no longer hope to resort successfully to force of arms to protect themselves against hostile action. It followed that unless outside pressures could be brought to bear, they could not influence or change the thinking that had underlain t he Revocation.
They did. By then, too, children of the refugees had grown up who were ambivalent about returning to a land that was their parents' rather than their own.
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As the eighteenth century brought with it successive Anglo-French wars, the pressures on such descendants to underline their Englishness could only grow. In any case, their sense of identity with the Hanoverian succession and their abhorrence of the regime that had unjustly forced their parents to flee were both very strong.
In When the Young Pretender appeared in , the Huguenots were quick to come forward with loyal addresses promising men for service against him. By the time of the Napoleonic Wars, no-one could doubt their Englishness. On July 26th, a mass meeting of Londoners unanimously declared its 'determination to stand or fall with our King and country' because:. The independence and existence of the British Empire The declaration was signed by the chairman: Jacob Bosanquet, grandson of David Bosanquet who had taken refuge from Languedoc in Assimilation was not accomplished without strains within Huguenot families.
Some of the steps that might be involved are revealed in the autobiography of Sir Samuel Romilly , a law reformer whose career was important for its long and successful. His great-grandfather, a landowner at Montpellier, had remained in the south of France after the Revocation, but continued to worship in Protestant ways within the security of his own home, and brought up his children as Protestants.
It was Samuel's grandfather, Etienne, who became a refugee in , at the age of seventeen. He went to Geneva for the specific purpose of receiving Communion, and there decided not to return home but to go instead to London. Only then did he inform his family of his decision, but his father accepted the situation and sent money to him from France which helped him establish himself as a wax-'bleacher in Hoxton, It is typical of first-generation refugees to marry others of their own kind, and Etienne married Judith de Monsallier, the daughter of another Huguenot immigrant.
Samuel Romilly's father, Peter, was apprenticed to a Frenchman in the City, a jeweller named Lafosse.
In due course Peter too married the daughter of a refugee, Margaret Gamault, so Samuel was brought up in surroundings which retained strong Huguenot influences. He described his father as attaching more importance to practical charitable behaviour towards his fellow men than to forms of worship, but Peter made his family regularly attend morning and evening worship on Sundays, alternating between the parish church and the French chapel in which he had a pew. Otherwise he was far from impressed:. Nothing was ever worse calculated to inspire the mind of a child with respect for.
Most of the descendants of the refugees were born and bred in England, and desired nothing less than to preserve the memory of their origin; and their chapels were therefore ill-attended. A large uncouth room, the avenues to which were narrow courts and dirty alleys, and which, when you entered it, presented to the view only irregular unpainted pews and dusty plastered walls; a congregation consisting principally of some strange-looking old women scattered here and there, one or two in a pew, and a clergyman reading the service and preaching in a monotonous tone of voice, and in a language not familiar to me, was not likely either to impress my mind with much religious awe, or to attract my attention to the doctrines which were delivered.
Nor did he respect the school to which he was sent, 'of which the sole recommendation seems to have been that it had once been kept by a French refugee, and that the sons of many refugees were still scholars at it'. Writing, arithmetic, and the rules of French grammar. As for 'the more familiar use' of French, that was something which he and his brother acquired at home, for it remained 'a rule established by my father, that French should be spoken in the family on a Sunday morning, the only time