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Vintage Books, New York Law and History Review, 13 , pp. If the pagination of a periodical is continuous throughout the year, it is not necessary to give the number or season, only the volume and year. Articles that have appeared in electronic journals may be cited, provided access is unrestricted and the URL or DOI is supplied. Nelson Lichtenstein and Stephen Meyer. University of Illinois Press, Urbana , pp. Tables, maps and figures, including photographs Tables, maps and figures must be numbered consecutively in the text with Arabic numerals and submitted separately at the end of the article.
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The editors warmly appreciate the co-operation of authors in preparing papers in a manner that will facilitate the work of editing and publication. For further information, please contact the Editorial Office. Colour tempera, gold leaf and ink on parchment. The J. Our journal has reached its tenth edition and is thus coming of age as we celebrate its first decade. We would like to thank our readers for the interest they have shown, our contributors for the quality of their work, which has ensured the attention of an ever-larger readership, and our editorial board for its indispensable advice and assistance.
Therefore, the Catalan Historical Review is achieving its original goal of offering scholars from abroad snapshots of the major issues in the social, political, economic and cultural history of the Catalan-speaking lands, with the understanding that we must also ensure that readers from inside our geographic sphere find these overviews useful. Indeed, the articles in the Catalan Historical Review seek to summarise the results of a historiography that is increasingly large in terms of its output and diversification which is not easy to keep track of because such a wide variety of dissemination channels are used.
In short, everything seems to indicate that the model adopted by the Catalan Historical Review is valid. This time, we wanted to follow a tradition from the era when journals were only published on paper: to offer a complete index of the titles of the articles in all issues. This is one way to visually illustrate the tenth anniversary of the Catalan Historical Review. The dual English and Catalan version of the content of the Catalan Historical Review attests to the fact that Catalan historians tend to write about the history of the inhabitants of their linguistic sphere in their own language.
Furthermore, the Institut also had the missions of contributing to normalising Catalan from the orthographic, lexical and grammatical standpoint and advocating its social use in all spheres in an effort to overcome the diglossia that could have led to its disappearance over the long term.
And now let us introduce the main topics examined on the pages of this issue. If Mallorca shares its language and culture with Catalonia, it is because it was conquered by James I in the 13th century. The partition of the island among the magnates who help the monarch. The transplant of the feudal system to Mallorca was undertaken with broader personal freedoms in order to attract settlers from the continent to the island.
James I contradicted his original plans to keep the conquered lands under the same monarch, given that he bequeathed the Kingdom of Mallorca to his second son, generating an independent lineage from until , when it was returned to the direct domain of the Kings of Aragon and Catalonia. If the foundation of the feudal system is the predominance of small farms subjected to income deductions by the lord, the Mallorcan society resulting from the Catalan colonisation was feudal.
The second article discusses the political structure of Valencia in the 14th century. Since the dynastic union between Aragon and Catalonia in the 12th century, what was called the Crown of Aragon maintained a dual monarchic system. This system became threefold when the Kingdom of Valencia, conquered by the Catalans and Aragonese in the 13th century, was endowed with institutions of its own, such that it ended up having its own Courts or parliament different to those of Catalonia and Aragon, when these bodies, which limited royal power, were consolidated in the 14th century.
At first, the monarchs tried to gain more power in the Kingdom of Valencia than what they held in Aragon and Catalonia, but as they had to finance wars, especially the ones against Castile, the kings committed the incongruent act of granting many of the lands in Valencia which previously depended directly on the Crown as seigneurial domains. The city of Valencia, which was a prominent force in the kingdom, ended up revolting against the king in and was vanquished in a brief war, which was simultaneously a civil conflict among the subjects of the Kingdom of Valencia.
The third article in this issue is devoted to industrial architecture from the late 19th century and first few decades of the 20th century, because the original or prestigious constructions were not limited to just private or public, secular or religious urban homes, nor merely upper-class rural residences. Instead, production and transformation centres were also designed with an artistic. On the following pages, another contributor examines the healthcare policy implemented in Catalonia from the last cholera epidemic in until the Civil War from to The goal was for the local and regional governments to meet the needs of a developed, conflictive society whose needs were not properly served by the Spanish state.
With the Mancomunitat de Catalunya — and the Generalitat , care of the ill went from being viewed as a charitable act to being regarded as an obligation that was planned by the public authorities, despite the lack of obligatory public health insurance for salaried workers and freelancers. In the course of the first third of the 20th century, the mortality rate dropped, especially the infant mortality rate, another cholera epidemic was avoided, and the last serious epidemic was the flu epidemic in But typhus, tuberculosis, malaria in the delta regions and syphilis were still endemic, half-shrouded by moral taboos.
Many towns did not have running water and a sewer system until the s. Working-class homes were a concern of hygienists, who wanted shantytowns and overcrowded subleases of old flats abolished. The first neighbourhoods of cheap housing for the working class were built in cities in the s, and even before that working-class neighbourhoods had been built by industrialists in the industrial and mining colonies in the Llobregat and Ter River basins.
The progress of medical education, hospital care and research prompted the innovations in surgery and blood transfusions that appeared in Catalonia during the Civil War, which were later applied in Great Britain during World War II. The penultimate article in this issue is devoted to the economic and social transformations during the years of the Civil War, from to , in Catalonia and the region of Valencia. Instead, the war largely determined its evolu-. The independent decisions of workers in each company — with some degree of political regulation — gave way to state interventionism that was scarcely more effective.
Roca, Maria Merce
While collectivisation in Catalonia was more important in industry than in agriculture, in the region of Valencia the opposite held true. After the clashes in May , a restrictive tendency was imposed on collectivisations. The last article in this issue takes stock of the debate on the historical role of the nation and nationalism in the late 20th century. The reappearance of nationalisms in Europe, hand in hand with the disintegration of the Soviet Union followed by the partition of the former Yugoslavia, led to a disqualification by Marxist historians like Hobsbawm, reinforcing the thesis of the invention of tradition and the principle that we cannot speak about nations prior to the French Revolution.
In a Catalonia that had barely emerged from a dictatorship which sought to banish the basic signs of Catalan identity, this position could hardly find a foothold outside a small coterie of university professors. However, in , a Marxist historian, Pierre Vilar, claimed that the political creation of Catalonia back in the 14th century showed the characteristics which have been attributed to the modern nation in the era of capitalism.
To Pierre Vilar, the Catalan distinction between nation and state is universally valid. Josep Fontana, another Marxist historian, reinforced these same theses in a book published in This report is a preview of the publication of the conference proceedings in book form. Her article on Catalan trade in the late Middle Ages, which appeared in issue 5 of the Catalan Historical Review, is one of the most downloaded articles from our publication.
The country has lost one of its most eminent figures in research in mediaeval history, and we, her colleagues, have lost a highly esteemed and admired friend. We have devoted the end of this issue to an obituary befitting her memory. Albert Balcells Editor. Abstract The feudal conquest of Mallorca was a technically complex and economically costly undertaking. It was the outcome of joint actions among the monarchy, the nobility and the Catalan bourgeoisie and knights and infantrymen from Aragon and other regions in the western Mediterranean. Once the island had been conquered, the participants received a part of the spoils and properties directly proportional to their contribution to the forces, which resulted in three territorial partitions.
Almost all the major participants divided the lands they had received in allodium between knights and peasants in fief and in emphyteusis, respectively. The Catalans were predominant among of the first settlers of Mallorca. Keywords: Mallorca, territorial partition, feudal colonisation, franchise letter, emphyteutic establishment, fief, chivalry, jurisdictional domain, territorial domain. Initially designed as a private undertaking among the Catalan nobility and cities, it ended up becoming a crusade of Christians versus Muslims.
The creation of the Kingdoms of Mallorca and Valencia also increased the safety of the Christians sailing around the northwest Mediterranean by lowering the number of Muslim corsairs and pirates. E-mail: antoniriera ub. Alcanar to Vila Joiosa. What were its causes and effects? To answer these questions, we have a set of sources and an extensive, up-to-date bibliography which is quite reliable in a scholarly sense. Since early last century, the kingdom of James I has sparked a particular interest among Catalan, Mallorcan, Aragonese and Valencian mediaevalists, who have devoted two history congresses on the Crown of Aragon to this topic.
Maria Cingolani11 and Ernest Belenguer12 using quite different methodological criteria, and the synthetic, interpretative speech delivered by Antoni Riera i Melis in Poblet on the 30th of March upon the opening of the events commemorating the aforementioned centennial. The collapse of the Islamic population The Christian conquest of Mallorca had profound demographic consequences: it led to a sudden, steep decline in the Muslim population. Of the inhabitants of Al-Andalus who survived the war and famine, a number impossible to calculate fled to other Islamic lands,14 while the others remained on the island, with diverse legal statuses and economic and social conditions.
The defeated Muslims were reduced to the status of captives and were apportioned among the conquerors as the spoils of war. Some of those who collaborated with the Christian contingent or capitulated left, while others remained on the island, either through their own decision or because of a lack of options. Therefore, the status of the Muslim casati must have deteriorated over time until they became similar to captives, a process which must have led their baptism in a bid to gain full freedom.
Thus, after the feudal conquest, the majority of the Saracen population was reduced to the status of captives and apportioned among the participants. The notary documentation generated by the Christian repopulation shows that these captives nonetheless had some degree of economic autonomy and civil rights: they were allowed to own and manage private assets, grant loans to other Muslim captives and even to free Christians, and file lawsuits against delinquent borrowers.
Some were allowed to live on Mallorca as free men without losing the hallmarks of their identity, but under a special tax scheme,21 thus equating them with those who had capitulated during the conquest campaigns. Towards the end of the 13th century, numerous free Muslim tradesmen are documented in the City of Mallorca, including dyers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, sword-makers and bakers. In order to succeed, the members of this latter group had to pay a very high price: giving up their identity.
Plataner blanc / White planetree | El meu primer rodet amb p… | Flickr
However, this institution did not spread to the Balearic Islands. Thus, the conquest of Mallorca was characterised by radical incompatibility with Islamic society and the effective destruction of the preexisting structures which was unparalleled in the 12th and 13th centuries. The desire to conjure up the danger of the fifth column in an island enclave of extraordinary strategic value that was particularly difficult to defend?
The belief that because of its small size, the island could be colonised by Christian settlers in just a few years? The fact that it was the first makes it particularly interesting not only because of the influence it would have on the subsequent partitions in Catalonia-Aragon and Castile but also because of the qualitative change it heralded compared to its forerunners. The gradual spread of Roman law, the rise of notaries and the enlargement of the administration led to an increase in and very notable diversification of the written documentation.
Before, the partition of movable and immovable property after a territorial conquest generated. In late January , just after the bloody siege of Madina Mayurqa, the members of the contingent, alarmed by the outbreak of an infectious disease, requested James I to ask the partition committee to start handing out the spoils of the campaign. The proration of the goods started with the auction of the spoils from the city. The process lasted almost two months and sparked a heated controversy among the large and small participants.
They were trailed far behind by a second group led by the Bishop of Girona, the Knights Templar and several members of the upper nobility, such. The barons or knights petty nobility and members of the lower clergy were at a third tier, which was much larger. These groups were joined by the urban communities in both Catalonia and Occitania, Provence and Italy. Thus, a complex process got underway which would last several years and generate a considerable amount of documentation.
It contains two different parts: the first one, written in Latin, is simply a list of the royal possessions; the second one, written in Arabic, explains how the first partition of assets was undertaken, delimits the resulting portions, and cites the respective beneficiaries. The majority of experts who have analysed it concur that the Arabic part is slightly older than the Latin part and has not survived in its entirety. However, agreement ends there, because while some view it as a transfer or summary of an original that has disappeared,30 others view it as nothing more than a notebook with field notes,.
Figure 1. Figure 3. Murals of the conquest of Mallorca, Master of the Conquest of Mallorca, mural, It is also clear that despite this, when quantifying and appraising the rural farms, the committee enlisted the compulsory cooperation of the Andalusian land surveyors, who were familiar with the microtoponyms and size of each parcel of land, as well as the identity of the last owner. After making an approximate appraisal of what each participant had contributed to the conquest in terms of both military troops and economic outlays, the committee members divided them into five quadrelles groups , each led respectively by the king and one of the four main magnates.
They then classified the properties to be divided following a rather precise, almost circular, spatial criterion; they organised them into a nucleus and two concentric outer circles. The nucleus matched the urban area of Madina Mayurqa, the first outer circle corresponded to the surroundings near the capital and the second was made up of the twelve rural districts and two outlying sec-. However, the quantity and quality of the codified information is quite uneven: it is complete for the central nucleus but negligible for the outermost circle.
The committee members just had enough time to measure the urban nucleus and appraise its properties. The text specifies the number of inhabited and uninhabited houses, shops and stores, ovens, and gardens within each of the five portions. The king also reserved the fortified premises of the Almudaina and ownership of all the streets and squares for himself. Regarding the area around the city, the committee separately divided the gardens and mills, yet without specifying nearby water courses.
There, the committee members were unable to list the farms within each territorial area or specify their size, except for the ones. The portion given to the Bishop of Barcelona was comprised of the city district minus the urban nucleus and its nearest surroundings. If we measure the portions determined by the committee using modern units of measurement, we can see that James I received 47, hectares and the Church and secular lords received 66,; therefore, the lands under seigneurial jurisdiction measured 19, hectares more than the royal lands. Even though they were unable to measure the outer districts and had left some small assets undivided, the committee members partitioned the land in a way that must have seemed fairly even, given that unlike the auction of the urban spoils, the documentation from the period does not record any major grievances by any group of participants or any substantive suggestions for adjustments.
The fact that most of the beneficiaries do not appear in the initial partition text generated confusion among experts in the second half of last century. However, this is being dissipated by the publication of new texts and the development of substantially more accurate analyses. Therefore, by the end of the process, there should have been as many portions as people who participated in the conquest.
Instead of annexing the island to Catalonia, he decided to create a new kingdom with its own political-administrative structure and legal system. On the 1st of March, during the auction of the assets and captives, the monarch granted the franchise letter to the participants in the conquest and future settlers. The remaining provisions were a set of specific concessions befitting an island setting in which being a borderland was not a temporary but a permanent condition.
The letter contains a series of measures aimed at safeguarding peaceful social coexistence among Christians, Muslims and Jews on the island and preventing. The King pledges not to give it away to or swap it with, either wholly or in part, members of the nobility or Church hierarchies, as well as to protect its settlers from everything, anywhere, as his loyal, faithful subjects. The delimitation of the jurisdictions The franchise letter did not precisely define the jurisdictional competences of the sovereign and lords and instead entrusted the solution to this important issue to a negotiation among the parties.
James I initially granted the. The nobility was fiercely opposed to its creation, as they regarded it as incompatible with their jurisdictional rights. After almost 17 months of negotiations, the two parties reached an agreement which pivoted around three points. The veguer would be an official who could solely be appointed by the monarch. This was an adaptation of the feudal structures to the island setting and size of Mallorca, 65 as opposed to an early rupture in feudal structures that had just been instated. The sovereign had to take over the collection of the tithe in many areas within the royal domain; in , Urban II had granted Peter I of Aragon the entire tithe in the lands he conquered from the Muslims.
Even though in the Courts of Barcelona of the sovereign and the magnates had pledged to endow the Church of Mallorca with enough goods and revenues, they reserved the tithe in the jurisdictional domains. Eight years later, in , James I, Prince Peter of Portugal and the bishop of Mallorca, Ramon de Torrelles, reached a compromise on the distribution of these revenues.
The bishop refused to receive tithes from secular inhabitants as donations since he did not want to admit that the donors rightly owned this property. The form of enfeoffment was chosen: the tithe was once again Church-related and the bishop gratuitously granted part of it in fealty to the sovereign, who would continue to be in charge of all collections. Thereafter, the monarch received two-thirds of the tithes on grain, wine and oil in perpetual fealty, as well as half of the tithe on livestock, wool, cheese and fish, and every year he would give the bishop the remaining one-third and half.
The bishop, bereft of resources, had to negotiate the enfeoffment agreements of the tithe with each of the participants separately. After this job was finished, all five of them left the island. They entrusted the bailiffs and legal administrators to populate the new properties and restore their infrastructures — they were lacking a workforce and were in poor condition because of the conquest campaigns — and then to send the revenues generated by the Muslim captives and the first Christian peasants to their customary residences on terra firma.
However, they reserved the notary rights in order to avoid a dispersal of documentation and to monitor the property transmissions in their respective domains. Alemany and Guillem de Claramunt received a total of 7, hectares. Those made prior to the summer of are registered in the Catalan codex of the Llibre del repartiment.
Around the same time, the sovereign, who as a participant had to contribute to the defence of the island with 43 armed horses, also granted lands in fealty to members of the petty nobility in exchange for military services. However, the main transfer of lands in the royal estate took place in the autumn of and their recipient was Prince Peter of Portugal, a member of the Portuguese royal family exiled in Catalonia who had just inherited the countship of Urgell from his wife, Aurembiaix.
Even though this last representative of the old family line since the Treaty of Agramunt only administered the countship in fief of the sovereign for her lifetime,78 she had bequeathed it to her husband and made it freely available to him. Once he was invested, he would earn the revenues that corresponded to the monarch, administer the lands of the royal estate, bring settlers there, be authorised to purchase assets from knights and men of the Church, and could bequeath one-third of the inheritances and revenues earned to his heirs, who would own them in fief of the sovereign.
James I reserved eminent domain over all the assets given, along with authority over the fortresses, and he pledged to provide the assistance needed to conserve and defend the islands against. The agreement violated two of the articles of the franchise letter: the pledge to keep the Kingdom of Mallorca joined to the Crown of Aragon, and the restriction that prevented secular and Church lords from acquiring real estate on the island. Why did James I allow this violation to take place?
What did he obtain in return? With the exchange, he ensured direct control over the Countship of Urgell, a land in the rearguard with consolidated socioeconomic, administrative and tax structures which had been the source of previous conflicts; he gave in exchange an insular, ultra-peripheral, sparsely settled site which was in the midst of being reorganised and was still fiscally unprofitable.
However, aware of the huge strategic value of the Kingdom of Mallorca, the monarch reserved indirect administration for himself via the feudal bond, which would expire upon the death of the Prince, when the domain would rejoin the Crown. While the sovereign led the campaign against the last cells of Islamic resistance in the Tramuntana mountains, his officials finished drawing up a record book of the royal portion in order to delimit the personal assets of the new lord of the kingdom.
On the 1st of July, upon completion of the military conquest of the island, the Portuguese prince took over its governance. James I gave him the aforementioned land registry,81 which contains a description of the entire royal portion, a list of the rural farms allotted during the past twelve months, a list of those that still remained vacant, which were given to him as personal assets, and a list of the chivalries and armed horses which had been given each participant.
As confirmed in this record book, Prince Peter of Portugal received rural farms82 measuring a total of 6, hectares, which accounted for almost one-ninth of the royal portion. The new lord of Mallorca reserved almost half of this land for himself, 51 plots of land measuring a total of 2, hectares, and he divided the rest among the members of his entourage, made up of knights, functionaries and household staff from Portugal and Castile.
After a complicated dynamic, the lands and revenues granted to Peter of Portugal rejoined the royal assets in through his last will and testament. Once the personal properties were precisely delimited, a new partition was conducted, the third one islandwide, with lands given to members of the petty nobility and military service who earned them, giving them sufficient real estate and revenues to systematically maintain one armed horse. With no legitimate heirs of his own, he had appointed James I his heir.
The executors of the will distinguished between the assets that the count had received in fealty from Peter the Catholic and those he possessed in allodium. The former, made up of the countships of Roussillon and Cerdagne, were gratuitously restored to the sovereign. The latter were divided into two parts: the island properties, which were sold to James I, and the holdings in Valencia, which were given to the Order of the Hospital. Figure 4. Conquest of Mallorca. Llibre dels feits. Universitat de Barcelona.
In the former, the grantee was only obligated to pay a feudal tribute; in the latter, they also pledged to provide an armed horse. The case lasted until , when the archbishop issued a Solomonic judgement: this Mallorcan barony had to be jointly administered by the bishop and the chapterhouse of the Girona cathedral. They became the lords and allodial owners free of seigneurial charges and were only distinguished by the size of the assets they received.
The allodial lords also enjoyed jurisdiction over their respective holdings, modulated by the franchise letter and after limited by the competences of the veguer, and they were obligated to contribute to the defence of the kingdom by maintaining a certain number of armed horses. The main allodial lords established somewhat similar land arrangements and management systems in their island domains.
They enfeoffed. The normal size of the first chivalries was 20 jovades hectares ; however, the magnates also granted large chivalries measuring 1, hectares, as well as medium-sized ones measuring hectares, which they only gave to armigers. This almost wholesale granting of the land by the sovereign and magnates put both the management of the process of land reorganisation and the mobilisation of the resources needed to spearhead agrarian growth into the hands of the intermediate rural estates. The creation of new agrarian structures In rural Mallorca, on the eve of the Christian conquest, there was a society of economically hierarchised peasants with no lords who enjoyed a high level of labour autonomy.
The primary sector there was organised into around 1, medium-sized farms, a few owned by clans and others individually, all of them cultivated under the system of owner occupancy. The average size of these first farms, at least in the royal sector, was around two jovades For these early absentee owners, obtaining properties and rural land on the island was nothing more than a profitable speculative operation which spurred the land market.
El barranc / The crag
Therefore, the. Through emphyteutic contracts, the lords and participants gave the free peasants useful domain possession of the rural farms and houses in the urban nuclei of the villages in perpetuity in exchange for an amount of cash the entry payment , an annual tax and a series of rights, while reserving legal ownership for themselves. The emphyteuta could freely dispose of the goods whose usufruct he held, bequeath them to his legitimate heirs and even sell them to another peasant.
In the latter case, the sale had to be suspended for a certain period, usually ten days, called the fadiga leave , during which the legal owner of the property had the first right of refusal to purchase it; that is, they could restore their own usufruct for the same price offered by the buyer. If the lessor did not exercise this right and authorised the purchase, he was given a percentage of the price the laudemium , which at that time was usually The new owner also pledged to pay the owner the same tax as the seller had been paying and declared himself to be subject to the pre-existing fadiga and laudemium.
Each transfer meant that the recipient paid a entry payment and an annual tax to the transferrer, which thus generated income for the rentier. Each link in this chain meant an increase in the tax. The successive lessors could recover the transferred rights when the grantee did not pay the tax or the laudemium or when they allowed the land they received to deteriorate. Emphyteusis offered considerable advantages for the original owner and was a factor of control over the emphyteuta.
The contract ensured the former legal ownership of the asset granted in perpetuity. The cession of the beneficial ownership of the properties in perpetuity, though onerous, also favoured the beneficiary: it did not degrade their legal status, they remained free men without any kind of restriction on their mobility, it did not obligate them to provide personal services to the original owner, and they could rescind the contract.
During the second third of the 13th century, there was an increasing influx of families from different places into Mallorca in the quest for better living conditions. Because we still do not have a detailed analysis establishing the provenance of the settlers based on their anthroponyms, such as the one made by Enric Guinot for the Kingdom of Valencia, researchers have formulated somewhat distinct hypotheses. Some have tried to maximise the demographic contribution of Catalonia, while others have striven to downplay it. Without yet being able to cite rigorous figures, we can therefore claim that among those requesting land, there was a predominance of natives of Catalunya Vella, Languedoc, Liguria and Provence, along with many natives of Aragon, Navarre and even Portugal, albeit in much smaller contingents.
The gradual arrival of immigrants and the instatement of agrarian structures based on small emphyteutic farms led to a highly visible change in the habitat of the rural world of Mallorca, which went from semi-dispersed to concentrated, and in its administrative organisation: the twelve Almohad districts ayza were transformed into 25 smaller jurisdictions, which resembled villages, the original element of which was usually a rural church. In , Pope Innocent IV gave the first churches built by the repopulators in both the city and the country official status.
Areas of concentration Pla de Mallorca coexisted with areas of dispersion the Tramuntana mountains, Migjorn and the entire coastline , which reflects the uneven distribution of the population at the time. However, the newcomers had to move to an island enclave where the property structure was already fixed and the concessions of estates in allodium had been reserved for the participants in the first and second partitions who had defrayed part of the costs of the conquest.
The ways to access land which remained open to them were establishing, subestablishing and rent, all of which, however, led to fallow land or largely infertile fields. Two-thirds of the lands registered in the Llibre del repartiment were fallow; their swidden was largely performed by the peasants who had usufruct. They, not the lords and the allodial owners, were the ones who after would spread the seedbeds of grain and the vineyards through the dryfarmed and fallow lands of Mallorca, the ones who created the new rural landscape which would last until the late 19th century.
Short-term rental contracts of rural farms are documented in Mallorca since , although they never became as common as emphyteutic contracts. The overseers of the majority of the farms were not the full owners who emerged from the third partition of land but peasants with usufruct who had moved there afterward. Much of the process of land transfer and fragmentation took place between these two social groups, between wealthy aloers and poor farmers, between city-dwelling rentiers and tax-paying peasants.
Over the years, emphyteutic and rental contracts became more onerous for the peasants; as the available land. With their work, they had to maintain more and more rentiers, a direct lord and even two middle-ranking lords. The former had acquired the land through the right of conquest, in free allodium exempt from any private economic burdens and solely to reward their contribution to the defence of the island.
Since they had renounced the direct farming of their lands, many of these owners earned taxes and other exactions from their peasants, making them rentiers. Though free men, the peasants cultivated the land via agrarian contracts whose requirements varied over space and time. If, according to Guy Bois, the essence of the feudal system is the predominance of small peasant farms subjected to seigneurial deductions from their income, then the Mallorcan society resulting from the Catalan colonisation was indeed feudal.
Fontes Rerum Balearium, vol. Mallorca en el segle xiii. El Tall, Palma , p. Huici and M. Anubar, Valencia , 5 v. Mallorca en el segle xiii, op. Mayurqa, no. In: P. Senac ed. Presses Universitaires de Perpignan, Perpignan , pp. Universitat de les Illes Balears, Palma ; A. Riera i Melis. Salvat, Barcelona , pp. In: Atles de les Illes Balears. Catalan Historical Review, no. In: Historia de Mallorca, vol. Mascaro Pasarius, Palma , pp. See too infra, notes 28, 29, 84 and Translation by M.
Anubar, Valencia , p. Sabbah and A. In: M. Sobre Mayurqa. Museu de Mallorca, Palma , pp. In: Idem, pp. Carbonero, R. Feliu, A. Miret i Sans. Itinerari de Jaume I el Conqueridor. See too infra, notes 15 and Translated by N. Presidency of the Government of the Balearic Islands, Palma Edited by M. Ferrer i Mallol. Jaume I. Edicions 62, Barcelona Jaume I i el seu regnat.
Capdepera Town Hall, Palma , pp. Ejecutoria del Reino de Mallorca. Palma Town Hall, Palma , pp. Omega, Barcelona , p. Speculum, no. Museu de Mallorca, Palma, , pp.
Social Commitment and Political Engagement in the Twentieth Century
In: Jaume I. In: El regne de Mallorca:. Idem, vol. In: De Al-Andalus a la sociedad feudal: los Repartimientos bajomedievales. The analysis of the partition of Mallorca, which has sparked heated controversies, has taken leaps and bounds since the end of the past century based on the appearance of the documentation generated by the process in highly accurate editions see infra, notes 29, 84 and The following are among the contributions worth noting: A.
In: Historia de Mallorca, op. Afers, no. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, vol. Montpellier, , pp. Jover and R. In: E. Belenguer dir. Edicions 62, Barcelona , pp. Mas and R. Guinot and J. The two parts were published separately: J. These first two publications signalled a turning point in the study of the partition of Mallorca. Recently, an even more accurate edition of these two preliminary texts has appeared: G. Palma In: Documents cabbdals Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. Comunicacions, II. Palma , p. In: Home-. Reus, Madrid , pp. Font Rius. Privilegios y franquicias de Mallorca.
Argos-Vergara, Barcelona , pp. In: Homenatge a Antoni Mut Calafell, arxiver. Rerum Balearium, vol. Rotger and J. Miret i Sans, Itinerari Jaume I Mut and G. The editors of this important document have performed a meticulous codicological, palaeographic and toponymic study of it, but they have not specified the total number of farms mentioned, nor have they calculated their overall size in jovades, two of the first pieces of information that researchers check for.
Mora and L. Adrinal, vol. Generalitat de Catalunya, Poblet , pp. See too: J. Idem, pp. Idem, p. See too supra, notes 65 and Eleven years later, he sold the houses, broke up the lands into units measuring around 23 hectares each, subestablished them and vanished from the island forever; R.
Puig and E. Instituciones del Derecho civil de Catalunya. Bosch, Barcelona , pp. Eliseu Climent, Valencia ; E. Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, , pp. El feudalisme Biographical note Antoni Riera i Melis is an emeritus professor of mediaeval history at the Universitat de Barcelona, where he has researched and taught since He furthered his studies and taught a number of seminars in Spanish and European universities. He currently oversees the Acta Historica et Archaeologica Madiaevalia and is a member of the editorial board of other specialised journals.
Political power in the Kingdom of Valencia during the 14th century. Breakdown or development? Abstract The 14th century has traditionally been considered a century of crisis, unrest and political breakdown around Europe, given the preponderance of wars, civil clashes and skirmishes with external enemies. In the Kingdom of Valencia, too, we can find these constant struggles for land and power, yet at the same time, just like all over Europe, we can also witness the gradual growth of the institutions of administration, governance and justice spearheaded by the Crown and the different political actors.
Indeed, this process of political development did not preclude violence, but it did establish the foundations of a powerful institutional system which gained ground throughout the 15th century. Keywords: polities, Crown, estates, Valencia, 14th century. Just a few years later, the northern part of the region of Murcia, from Alicante to Oriola, where half of the population was Muslim, had joined the Kingdom of Valencia, substantially enlarging the borders that James I had established decades earlier.
E-mail: baydal uji. Indeed, this city, along with Catalonia and Aragon, had become the nerve centre of an economic, political and institutional system that had carved an important niche for itself among the states that were shaping the future of the Crown. In short, despite the known bumps in the road caused by wars, shortages and epidemics, the 14th century was actually a century of growth and overall political development, especially in the Kingdom of Valencia, which had been founded just shortly before.
However, this growth and development was marred by conflict both with external enemies and among internal political agents, a common phenomenon around Europe, as recently noted by John Watts. To this end, we shall examine not only the material and jurisdictional foundations of each of these agents but also the gradual institutionalisation of their power. What is more, even though during the early phases of the war he had to divvy up most of the occupied lands among the nobility, knights, prelates and military orders of Catalonia and Aragon which had helped him militarily, after the conquest of the city of Valencia in , he allowed himself, now enormously strengthened, the luxury of keeping almost the entire area that stretched towards the southern boundary of the new kingdom for himself.
His leadership in the conquest had led the monarch to gain an exceptional point of departure to impose his power over the inhabitants as a whole, since in addition to the main towns he also retained extensive stretches of the territory. This was the backdrop when he also tried to impose his full legal domain, as we shall see below. However, after the end of the century that vast land mainly went to the Church and especially the nobility, particularly after the s, in line with the rise in military financing needs and the very royal policy of creating a sympathetic nobility.
Albalat de la Ribera 3. Alboraia 5. Alfafara 8. Alfarb 9. Almassora Altura Andilla Ares del Maestrat Atzeneta del Maestrat Barracas Benafer Benaguasil Benassal Benimodo and Ressalany Borriana, Beniham, Seca and la Jova Borriol Bunyol Carlet and Massalet Castell de Cabres, Vilanova and Mola Escabossa Caudiel Culla Domenyo Eslida Fanzara Fondeguilla Forcall Herbers Llombai Loriguilla Macastre Manises Mascarell Nules Moixent Montroi Oliva Orxeta Padull and les Dotze Bocairent Paterna Pedralba Pina Planes Pobla de Vallbona Segairent Sueca Serra Sinarques Sogorb Sollana and Trullars Soneixa Sorita Sot de Xera Suera Toixa Torres Vallibona Veo and Xinquer Vilafermosa Vilafranca del Maestrat Vilamalefa Vilamarxant Vilar de Canes Vila-real Vistabella Viver Xella Xelva Xest Xestalgar Alpont Castellfabib Figure 2.
Aragonese roots, the majority at the time, and the Crown and the royal estate of Valencia. The king also gave up monopolies and exactions of rights outside his direct domains, while the use of natural resources remained in dispute, as we shall discuss below. First of all, since the midth century there had been a general bailiff chosen by the king, for the length of time he wished, who was in charge of receiving and tallying the emoluments from his direct domains via a network of subordinate local bailiffs, who were chosen by the official himself, at least in the 14th century, when a general bailiff just for the former Castilian lands around Oriola was also established.
Specifically, the bailiffs were in charge of collecting the revenues, urban taxes, monopolies and ordinary taxes paid in the royal boroughs, as well as the penalties and compositions imposed by the justices — the royal justice officials on a municipal level — and the tariffs applied to exports. What is more, they tried to enforce the bans on exports for certain products, were in charge of the sound physical condition of the royal castles, and worked as appeal judges in minor cases which involved Jews and Muslims from the royal domain, as ordinary.
In fact, his court of justice was the remote ancestor of the later Royal Audience of Valencia. The Crown directly owned fewer assets than in the 13th century, but the legitimacy and stability of its power had increased by being disputed, agreed upon, mediatised and shared by the other social sectors around the territory.
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The power of the estates At the time that the Kingdom of Valencia was created in , the Courts had sporadically been meeting in Catalonia and Aragon for a few decades with the participation of the Church, the nobility and increasingly frequently the royal universities. What is more, after the incorporation of the southern lands near Oriola in , the bishop of Cartagena, the diocese to which it belonged, also held competences in the Kingdom of Valencia, although he was never part of the Church estate of the Courts since he was from Castile and thus constantly embattled with the leaders from Oriola, who wanted a diocese of their own.
On the other hand, the military orders established in Catalonia and Aragon also received domains in Valencia, especially the Orders of the Temple and the Hospitallers in the northern part, most of which were folded into the new Order of Montesa, which was founded in as the outcome of disappearance of the Templars and was exclusive to Valencia. Finally, during the 13th century, only two. The Mercedarians also created a monastery in Santa Maria del Puig in , the Carthusians in Portaceli and Valldecrist in and , and the Hieronymites in Cotalba in However, given that they were redemptive or enclosed orders, they did not participate in the major political debates.
In fact, the Church estate of the Valencian Courts remained stable throughout the entire century, and the Courts were still attended by the same members as in , with the occasional addition of the commanders of the Castilian order of Santiago, which held possessions in the Kingdom of Valencia, and the Order of the Hospital, which had retained the domain of Torrent near the capital of Valencia.
This is shown by the fact that the master Pere de Tous was in charge of organising the royalist side that sought to put down the revolt of the Union waged in Despite this, the fact is that the inherited nobility in Valencia was usually characterised by its weakness compared to its counterparts in Catalonia and Aragon.