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Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Prebisch, R. Przeworski, A. European Journal of Sociology , 45 2 , pp. Democracy as an Equilibrium. Public Choice , , pp. Is the Science of Comparative Politics Possible? Ravallion, M. Policy Research Working Paper Series The World Bank. Reardon, S. Murnane, eds. Whither Opportunity? Reenock, C. Regressive Socioeconomic Distribution and Democratic Survival. International Studies Quarterly , 51 3 , pp. Roemer, J. Journal of Public Economics , 70 3 , pp.
Rostow, W. Stiglitz, J. New York: W. Traversa, F. Constitutional Political Economy , 26 2 , pp. Vanhanen, T. A New Dataset for Measuring Democracy, Journal of Peace Research , 37 2 , pp. Wright, E. Class Structure and Income Determination. New York: Academic Press. Understanding Class. Towards an Integrated Analytical Approach. New Left Review , 90, pp. Wright Mills, C. The Maddison-Project. Acesso em: 3 nov. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium provided the original work is properly cited.
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Abstract Technical change over the twentieth century has been skill-biased. Referencias Acemoglu, D. Otras fuentes Maddison, A. Recibido: 29 de Abril de ; Aprobado: 08 de Diciembre de How to cite this article. Quiebre democracia. Vanhanen Moreover, women victims of violence, who consciously and purposefully decide to react, can make active attempts to cope with their problematic situation Campbell et al. According to Buchbinder and Birnbaum there are two contradictory narratives for understanding women who suffer violence: a the narrative of victimhood, and b the narrative of survivorship.
Therefore, it looks like these women mostly use emotion-focused strategies, that are usually considered to be ineffective, since it seems that by doing so women deny the problem, or avoid the stress Zakar et al. Accordingly, more than half of the abused women respondents in a study conducted by Caralis and Musialowski , did not tell anyone about the violence they were suffering and did not go to a doctor because of fear or ignorance.
Nevertheless, the woman victim may indeed see herself as highly assertive in the violent relationship in reaction to a violent partner or husband. Nevertheless, this liberal view of herself may paradoxically help her justify her staying in the relationship even though it is abusive Alexander et al. Others may feel so desperate that they choose to deny the whole problematic situation and act as powerless and helpless victims Alexander et al.
This powerlessness and helplessness a woman feels within the abusive relationship gets more irrational when she starts blaming herself for the situation she is involved in. As a consequence, intimate violence is normalized Berns, That is, women feel that this is how it must be.
But, what happens in the cases where women have children, who are also exposed to violence against them? Is their attitude as victims affected by their mothering role? However, these behavioral characteristics can be affected by various factors, such as tolerant attitudes towards violence Grama, , learned within a given cultural and social context. As Berns asserts, there are several frames which are used by the popular media to present victims, and which have become a part of the social context. Such may be, for example, the celebrated model of a woman victim who has the courage to leave the problematic relationship and, conversely, the blameworthy model of a woman victim who prefers to stay and tolerate violence Berns, For example, many women victims of violence blame themselves for the violence they suffer from their partners.
This blameworthy model can be explained by the way mass media are trying to gender the blame by holding women victims responsible for their role in their own victimization Berns, Although, irrespective of the attempt of degendering the problem and gendering the blame Berns, , when suffering is considered, violence is primarily a problem of victimized women. Studying various media stories about domestic violence, Berns concluded that through these, victims were held responsible for getting in the abusive relationship in the first place and for provoking the abuse.
Thus, the mass media often challenge whether a woman is completely blameless for the violent incidents; the women victims are often criticized for not leaving the abusive relationship; there are even suggestions that the women may actually enjoy such relationships, since they deny their own role in the destructive relationship and fail to protect others Berns, , such as their children. In addition, there are also societies, like Pakistan, with harshly patriarchal regimes, where violence against women is embedded in the social, political, and legal structures of society and where women cannot effectively resist violence by themselves Zakar et al.
In particular, this study concentrates on discussing the findings that have emerged from a series of seventeen in-depth interviews that were conducted with mothers from Cyprus, who have been victims of various forms of violence. Research Questions This study intended to give answers to the following questions: a What are the main discourses shaping the identity of the woman mother who suffers violence? Methodology For this study, data were drawn from 17 in-depth interviews with women mothers, who were currently or had been victims of violence by their partners.
Women were selected through the purposive sampling method from different districts all over Cyprus, in both rural and urban areas, with the help of two regional organizations specializing on domestic violence. For the recruitment of participants, women were firstly identified by the Police Criminal Investigation Department and specifically by the Domestic Violence and Child Abuse Office Nicosia, Cyprus , and by the Association for the Prevention and Handling of Violence Nicosia, Cyprus that made the first contact with women via telephone, informing them about the project and asking them if they wanted to participate in the interviews.
After that, the research team communicated with all the potential women participants so as to arrange the date, the hour and the place for the interviews. Interview organization took a lot of effort, since the date and time of the interviews had to be customized to participant convenience and preference e. What is worth mentioning is that access to women-mother victims of violence willing to participate in the interviews was a difficult task, given the fact that Cyprus is a very small society, where most people consider the subject of violence as taboo and deal All seventeen audio-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim into written form.
Data Collection Procedures The seventeen in-depth interviews were conducted during an 8-week period from June to July The place that the interviews were carried out was neutral so as to avoid the problem of data reliability. At any rate, the research team did not visit women for interview in their homes, neither were the interviews carried out in the presence of others, e.
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Twelve interviews were carried out in a private room in the Education department of the University of Cyprus, and five were conducted in a private place at a central hotel. The written and informed consent of each participant was also obtained. In addition, women were interviewed in private, and the interview was conducted in a confidential manner. A semi-structured interview guide was used that allowed the researchers to follow certain themes and open up new lines of inquiry.
Open-ended questions were formulated on the basis of data obtained by 28 written testimonies from women, which were analyzed before the interviews, and of a review of the existing literature on the topic. At the beginning of the interviews, socio-demographic characteristics were obtained.
Women participants were encouraged to express their views sincerely. The duration of the interviews ranged from 45 minutes to 1. Data Analysis During the in-depth interviews, audio-recording was used, though not in all cases; some women refused to have audio-recording, so written notes were taken instead.
All audio-recorded interviews were later transcribed verbatim into written form. Transcripts were then analyzed. Participants Age, education, family situation and financial wellbeing varied for the women. Five of the women 4 Cypriots and 1 Russian were still married with the abuser at the time of being interviewed, ten out of them were divorced, and twelve out of them were in a phase of separation from the abuser and waiting for divorce.
Our data showed that women responded to violence in a number of ways, which were determined mainly by the discourses of denying, blaming self, powerlessness, tolerance, compassion, and dependency. For example, all seventeen women admitted being tolerant for a number of reasons, that is, because of feeling powerless, feeling blameworthy, still being in love with the perpetrator, being unable to perceive violence as a problem, or even because of being dependent on their husband both emotionally and economically.
Main Discourses Shaping the Identity of the Woman Victim of Violence Analysis of data allowed the researchers to develop a picture of the discourses that mainly shape the identity of the woman suffering violence. Discourse of denying. In seven cases, women frankly confessed that, when suffering violence, especially at the start, they were unable to react in any way, denying what was happening to them e.
For example, I could have a shower only the time he would take the girls at the park. I kept telling myself that what I live, is reality The same seven women stated that they tried to rationalize violence, since they could not even realize that they were involved in a problematic, abusive relationship, thinking that this was normal and ordinary e. Discourse of blaming self. A fewer number of women reported that they were blaming themselves for the abusive relationship they were involved in e.
Discourse of powerlessness. Eight women stressed that they felt powerless to react dynamically, that is, to actively fight back or call the police or even someone else for help when suffering violence, especially severe forms of violence, that is, beating e. In addition, the data made obvious that some women felt powerless to react due to social constraints e. I obeyed him. I would go to the police and tell them what? That he was violent? That he was threatening me?
I thought the policeman would think that I was crazy. For women who came from other countries to Cyprus and were married to Cypriot men, the discourse of powerlessness was more evident in their words e. Creating a family was a dream for me. Discourse of tolerance. All seventeen women stated that, at the beginning, they were very tolerant with the abusive behaviour of their husband, whereas some of them demonstrated increasingly passive behaviour and apathy. I cleaned the house, did the cooking, I would do everything I had to do, but I was afraid to try and do something else, to change the situation with my husband.
Nevertheless, five women, who were still married with the perpetrator at the time of being interviewed, admitted that they were trying to save their marriage for the sake of their children; they kept being tolerant and did not dynamically react e. Therefore, these five women remained victims because they were not yet convinced that there was a way out. Discourse of compassion. Many of the women confessed that they felt sorry for the perpetrator and would repeatedly give him second chances, hoping that he would change his violent behaviour e.
I even took him to a psychologist to help him. Women seem to express their compassion for the abuser in two ways: i by protecting him from suffering negative consequences, such as receiving a jail sentence e. Thereby, the emotional complexity of the relationship between victim and abuser was evident in the interviews. Discourse of dependency.
Therefore, for the women who feel dependent on their husband either economically or emotionally, leaving the abusive relationship is not that easy. During the interviews, the twelve women who left the abusive relationship, stated that they felt hopeful and that they were determined to take their lives into their own hands.
These women took the decision to get a divorce so as to ensure a peaceful life both for them and for their children. They also noted that they were conscious of what they have been through, felt lucky to have coped with it but also guilty for the traumas they caused to their children, who were exposed to violence e. Their first concern was to think how to cope with the problem and what strategies to adopt in order to ensure their survival, especially in cases where there was intense physical violence e.
Many of these women stated that they needed time, even years, to realize that violence against them was also affecting their children, both emotionally and psychologically e. My son beats her and she accepts it. During the interviews, women have been purposefully asked to reflect upon the indirect impact of violence against them upon their children when exposed. All seventeen women interviewed stated that they adopted several coping strategies to prevent or deal with the abusive behaviour of their husband.
The majority of the women participants said that at the beginning of the occurrence of violence they could not admit that they were involved in a problematic and abusive relationship; they would deny what was happening to them by trying to rationalize violence, thus making themselves the legitimate victims of that violence.
Also, most of the women could not react in any dynamic way, for example, actively fight back or call the police, because of several reasons, such as social constraints. From the data, we also noted that some women, especially the ones who were still married with the perpetrator at the time of being interviewed, felt sympathy and compassion for the abuser whereas others could not leave the abusive relationship since they had at the time been emotionally, socially and economically dependent on the abuser.
At the same time, all women participants reported that they would make attempts to minimize the psychological effects of violence firstly on themselves and secondly on their children, when being conscious about the emotional and psychological pain a child is going through when exposed to violence. As the women argued, however, it was harder to realize that their children were also victimized when exposed to violence than it was to perceive themselves as victims.
It is worth mentioning that there are limitations to this study that must be taken into account. Firstly, the data obtained by the interviews were self-reported and partly retrospective, since some women had already left the abusive relationship at the time of being interviewed. Future research in the field of discourses emerging from the experiences of the women mothers, victims of violence, could benefit from longitudinal analyses to compare attitudes and feelings of the women victims during the time they suffer violence and after they leave the abusive relationship.
The findings do, however, identify the main discourses surrounding the attitude of a woman who suffers violence in relation to her mothering role and provide clear indications as to how women respond within the abusive relationship. Findings also provide a foundation for further empirical work on the identity ies of the women victims of violence in relation to the coping strategies they adopt in order to respond within a situation of violence. References Alexander, P.
What is transmitted in the intergenerational transmission of violence? Journal of Marriage and Family, 53 3 , Baker, L. Woman abuse affects our children. Baly, R. Leaving abusive relationships: constructions of self and situation by abused women. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 25 12 , Berns, N. Degendering the problem and gendering the blame: Political discourse on women and violence.
Gender and Society, 15 2 , Framing the victim: domestic violence, media and social problems. Making sense of domestic violence. Violence Against Women, 13 3 , Buchbinder, E. Experiences on the lives of abused women. Violence Against Women, 16 6 Campbell, J. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 13, Caralis, P. Southern Medical Journal, 90 11 , Gee, J. An introduction to discourse analysis. Theory and method. New York: Routledge.
Goodman, L. The intimate partner violence strategies index. Violence Against Women, 9, Grama, J. Women forgotten: Difficulties faced by rural victims of domestic violence. Journal of Family Law, 14, Greaves, L. A motherhood issue: Discourses on mothering under duress. Resistance among domestic violence offenders. Measurement development and initial validation. Violence Against Women, 14 2 , Osofsky, J. The impact of violence on children.
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Domestic Violence and Children, 9 3 , Parker, G. Relationships among abuse characteristics, coping strategies, and abused women's psychological health. A path model. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 22 9 , Strauss, A. Basics of qualitative research. Grounded theory, procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Zakar, R. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 27 16 , The analysis will concentrate particularly on those organizations that were not devoted to feminist purposes but which, thanks to their associative actions, became aware of their oppression giving rise to personal, collective and far-reaching changes in the democratization of the Spanish society and the advancement of women.
In this regard, these associations are considered new socialization grounds where women were able to empower their lives and move into other fields of political and social influence. This emergence was facilitated by the creation of the Institute of Women as a political body in whose aim was to promote the equality between men and women within the framework of the recent Spanish democracy after forty years of dictatorship under Franco.
Most of these associations had no feminist purposes as an end in itself, nor were they designated as such. The women who belonged to them were housewives and working-class women. In this respect, I consider that these associations were new socialization grounds for the empowerment of women. At the same time, they contributed to the creation of a large movement of women, which thanks to networking, integrated new social sectors and increasingly larger strata of female population, weaving a social fabric which was able to support the new democratic processes based on equality. This text is the result of fieldwork research which, based on quantitative and qualitative data, was carried out during and This time frame is relevant as ten years had already gone by since the emergence of these associations.
This was a sufficient amount of time to make relevant reflections on the origins, development and changes in people, institutions and also on the effects on the larger Spanish society. In the first section of this paper, I will be dealing with the ethnographic context in the Community of Madrid as well as with the classification of associations into several typologies which have enabled us to embark upon this study.
The second section focuses on the meanings that the informants themselves have assigned to their involvement in these associations. The third section analyses the obstacles identified by these women in such involvement. The change processes that these women have undergone will be dealt with in the fourth section. Although these changes are also present in the previous sections, the activities developed by the organizations and Finally, the fifth section examines the different networks and links created, both formal and informal, as a way to overcome the fragmentation and to increase the efficiency of their proposals and demands.
Map of Spain. In red, the Community of Madrid. Madrid is an Autonomous Community within the democratic Spanish State consisting of a single province which includes counties of very different sizes in its 7, square kilometres. Its population increases as we get closer to the city of Madrid. A fact worth noting in the population register from is that the number of women between the ages of 25 and 60 was larger than men, a tendency that grew as the age increased. The authoritarian regime of General Franco was based on a politically, administratively and economically centralized government which prompted an industrial development model in the s and which attracted a large number of immigrants from other parts of Spanish geography to the capital.
This phenomenon favoured, on the one hand, an inflow of immigrant population into Madrid and, on the other, and outflow of workers from the centre to the outskirts of the city. This was the origin of the formation of a metropolitan area as a socially and spatially segmented periphery. The industrial crisis of the metropolitan area in the 70s meant the collapse of a substantial part of the production system with a subsequent loss of employment, particularly male employment, turning certain areas into grounds of marginalization, unemployment and environmental degradation.
The sharpening of social inequalities posed new problems of exclusion which were built on old and unresolved problems such as those derived from gender inequality. This was one of the pillars of the predominant Catholic regime led by Franco. Some results of this hierarchy strategy on women included: the assignment of housework given almost exclusively to women, a low participation of women in the labour market and a severe lack of Even in the times of economic recovery, the female unemployment rate continued to be twice that of the male rate.
In relation to levels of education, according to the official data from , the illiteracy rate of women older than fifty years of age in Madrid was more than double the rate of men. It was stated that as women rose in age, their educational deficiencies rose as well. These deficiencies notably decreased in ages ranging from 25 to 34 and they were practically residual in the population between the ages of 16 and One of the first problems in the research was to verify the inexistence of a reliable data base of active female associations and not those that were merely registered for official purposes.
Based on this data, a questionnaire was devised to know directly from the very same associations their aims, their field of action, their date of incorporation, their number of members, their planned activities, their own resources and financial sources. This information created the first database, which did not exist up to that moment, and the possibility to draw up a territorial distribution map with the different types of associations, the contents and activities of their programmes to be developed.
In order to deal with the object of study, I will proceed to elaborate a typology of associations from the self-definitions expressed by the informants in their answers. This classification responds to the nature of activities and to the goals they pursued. FEMINIST: Associations which gathered around political, social and vindicating aims of the feminist movement and that were expressly self-defined as such.
UNION: Those associations that focus their activity on the information, defence and training of women as workers within a trade union framework. Quantitatively speaking, the largest associations were those of Socio-cultural Promotion and also the ones that brought together a larger number of active and beneficiary members, followed by the Neighbourhood and Feminist associations.
For the purpose of this text and as it has been set out in the introduction, I will pay close attention to Socio-cultural Promotion and Neighbourhood associations to account for the processes I have already pointed out. The meanings of participation: to gain knowledge and new grounds As Arturo Escobar has claimed, the domination moves forward through strategies that organize knowledge and grounds colonizing the physical, social and cultural environments From this perspective, there is a close relationship between the usurpation of grounds and the distortion or the silenced word of excluded sectors.
Nevertheless, the subordinated sectors are not passive victims of structural conditions and try to carry out questioning, negotiation and transformation processes in order to challenge dominant structures. To get together with a group and see that we had common problems was a discovery for me. By going out, meeting with people, listening and struggling … because in the struggle to solve things, you learn so much.
The author points out the importance for women to consider socialization as a process that covers their whole life and that brings about questions of the orientations received. In her opinion, the new socializations for power require an insertion into groups and associations with specific characteristics that serve as a base to develop new structures, identities and social relationships that are the key to overcome gender inequality.
As we have seen through the stories collected, this phenomenon of active groups generates new cultural meanings that are the support for new personal elaborations that women perceived as important achievements. However, these new social practices are not exempt from contradictions and obstacles both subjective as well as structural, that women themselves identify and that we will see in the following section. Similar confessions are repeated in the discourses collected and coincide with those who are the most active sectors in their respective associations.
With these opinions, they intend to inform others about the discovery of new feelings and experiences which make possible to conquer other goals. People who saw us in the street and said: Look at them walking around! We keep on going but it is hard, very hard, at first it upset me that people said that I left my children or even worse things. But we talked about it. But we have to lose the fear and to organize ourselves because we are changing many things together. Women have many difficulties due to a lack of knowledge of the mechanisms and power relations which are established in those fields.
It is very meaningful, in all these opinions from so different associative fields, the allusion to fear and guilt as threatening feelings that stop the incorporation of women in the political sphere and in the public decision-making. At the same time of the creation of these associations, the power of collective action and solidarity appear as a support and reference, as a source of positive elaboration to cope with exclusions.
The solidarity among women appears not only as an abstract and idealized sisterhood but also as a lived experience and as an efficient component of collective action that link different groups through time. The power of solidarity is also perceived as a process of learning:. We have also learnt to create solidarity, confidence and respect among women. We think that this work is like a chain of solidarity that has to be increasingly stronger. As we have previously seen, these associations promoted an intersubjective reality that generates a communicative and group effort that started from the concrete experiences of women who were involved in these actions.
From this active group, they became aware of oppression and gave rise to specific motivations to work for a change of their situations in the contexts where they lived. Likewise, women as active subjects constituted themselves like a diffused power or non-power that eroded the surface of the formal power and generated social, political and economic alternatives from this active network.
In this section, I am interested in accounting for those processes of change through the activities developed by the associations but to show in particular how through those activities, even those that did not pretend to develop explicitly feminist purposes, developed open processes of decisionmaking, of new possibilities and of active citizenship. From the information gathered about associations studied, the different types of activities can be known and be classified as follows: 1. Permanent Services: legal advice centres, information and guidance services, documentation services.
Continuing Proceedings of training: courses, workshops, development of social intervention programmes, self-help groups. Meetings and Conferences on monographic subjects.
Studies and investigations. Edition of publications.
Occasional activities: conferences, book presentations, round table discussions, excursions, cultural visits, competitions, exhibitions. From the quantified data about different types of activity and its development in time, the higher percentages corresponded to continuing proceedings. As in every social action, the same activity led to ways of different appropriation depending on the personal story and the needs of each subject.
Through field observations and I was awakening with the lessons; I learnt a lot of things and above all, to stop being embarrassed, to assert myself. The author points out, as a crucial aspect of this situation, the unfavourable starting point of the feminist movement that began as a consequence of the dictatorship, and the special circumstances of the democratic transition that led the movement to tackle problems and urgent discussions such as the conflicting membership.
The causes are very varied, but among them, the fulfilment of the logic-temporal cycle of new social movements that arose in the 60s covering a path apparently similar to the counterinstitutionalization to institutionalization, is mentioned. The fact that their proposals and demands are totally or partially considered by the institutional policy leads to a change of scenery which Something that was unthinkable a few years ago. Catalans have reiterated their support for encouraging further Europeanization, a process which many aim to make congruent with territorial subsidiarity and home rule.
The paper focuses on how the meaning of independence been constructed in contemporary Catalonia. It also elaborates on the relationship between independence and interdependence in the context of the ongoing process of Europeanization and the preservation of the European Social Model ESM. Mapping the axiology of European welfare more. While welfare research on historical and institutional trajectories has been carried out extensively in recent decades, less attention has been paid to citizens preferences for social policies.
On analysing welfare provision the On analysing welfare provision the self-interest and neo-institutionalist theories have often placed incentives and resources at the core of their explanations. But values can also play a very important role in the support and shaping of welfare arrangements. This article explores how values are present in European populations and to what extent variation can be related to the geographical distribution of the different types of welfare regimes. A classification of values associated with social categories, and an overview of the main axiological differences across Europe is therefore put forward.
Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. View on e-revistas. View on slideshare. Por Moreno, L. It is not Only About Equality. Literature on welfare attitudes has reached a stylized scheme in which egalitarian values and self-interest concerns are the two main determinants of welfare attitudes. The article aims at bringing forward existing research by identifying The article aims at bringing forward existing research by identifying additional values that people draw on to elaborate opinions on welfare issues.
Using data from the European Social Survey and 26 countries, we find that values such as multiculturalism or authoritarianism, among others, lie at the roots of welfare attitudes. However, egalitarianism is the only value with a significant effect in all countries. Differences between welfare regimes in the values associated with welfare opinions exist but are unconnected with aggregate support for the welfare state, suggesting that this institution can achieve a high level of legitimacy on different moral grounds.
View on ijpor. In , after the collapse of the subprime mortgage market in the US, a global financial crisis ushered a new welfare Bronze Age, one which could signal the return to the prehistory of the European systems of social protection. This article reviews succinctly main challenges and reforms facing the four welfare regimes in the European Union: corporatist Continental, liberal Anglo-Saxon, egalitarian Nordic and familistic Mediterranean.
View on es. Cittadinanza multilivello, nuovi rischi sociali e welfare regionale more. Likewise, an administrative subsidiarity between different levels of European governance as one of the main pillar of social Likewise, an administrative subsidiarity between different levels of European governance as one of the main pillar of social citizenship is outlined. The strategic configuration between transnational legitimacy and sub-state accountability in the provision of public policies is of the foremost importance. According to that, financial autonomy at a regional level is a key resource for policy innovation together with the concomitants issues of redistribution and solidarity.
Starting from these issues, the concluding section of the paper puts forward the idea that the advancement of social citizenship in the European Union may be best achieved through the interchange of positive and innovative experiences among and within member states, especially in the current international situation of economic instability. View on francoangeli. Youth, family change and welfare arrangements: Is the South still so different?
This paper analyzes the main characteristics and welfare rationale of the Mediterranean typology. Familism, female employment and care are singled out as three representative areas which provide data on the dynamics of continuity and Familism, female employment and care are singled out as three representative areas which provide data on the dynamics of continuity and change in the Southern European countries under examination. The process of female labour activation is already having a great impact in all activities concerned with the type of care traditionally carried out within Mediterranean households.
Final remarks stress the need to pay attention in future research to ongoing societal changes which are bound to have knock-on consequences for Southern European welfare as we have known it until now. View on tandfonline. In contemporary times, Spain offers a good example of a very compressed transition to post-industrial socioeconomic structures, passing from peripheral to core status within the European Union EU and the international economic order In contemporary times, Spain offers a good example of a very compressed transition to post-industrial socioeconomic structures, passing from peripheral to core status within the European Union EU and the international economic order.
The adoption of EU recommendations in labour activation policies and the increase in female participation in the formal labour market are singled out as highly relevant for policy change. The explanatory account of welfare development focuses on continuity and change by considering the analytical constellation of ideas, interests and institutions.
This paper elaborates on the idea of multilevel citizenship as a compound of collective attachments which favors supra-national legitimacy and sub-state democratic accountability in the implementation of social policies. The main focus of The main focus of analysis is on the latter process. Likewise, attention is paid to the aspirations of regions and sub-state layers of governance to advance social citizenship.
To meet such aspirations, financial autonomy is discussed in the following section as a key resource for policy innovation together with the concomitant issues of redistribution and solidarity. View on nomos-shop. Publisher: Tecnos. View on tecnos. Female Employment and Welfare Development in Spain more. Changes in female employment can be regarded as one of the most radical changes ocurring in Spanish society over the last 30 years, something which implies a profound reorganization in women's values and behaviour.
This paper provides This paper provides analyses concerning trends in female employment, family-work arrangements and welfare development in Spain. After analysing the increase in female labour activity rates since the times of the transition to democracy in the mids, a discussion on family, work and gender co-responsibility underlines the crucial knock-on effects that this social policy area is to have in the evolution of the Spanish welfare state.
View on palgrave. In this article the relationship between the distribution of values among the citizens of European countries, and the institutional arrangements of the social protection schemes of these countries is analysed, as conceptualised by the In this article the relationship between the distribution of values among the citizens of European countries, and the institutional arrangements of the social protection schemes of these countries is analysed, as conceptualised by the most common typologies of Welfare Regimes. After analysing the distribution of values in Europe, and measuring their impact on attitudes towards welfare across different Welfare Regimes, it was observed that those values are not distributed following the boundaries of the basic typology of these Regimes.
The study of favourable attitudes towards the intervention of the State in the domain of social protection through a multi-level regression analysis shows, however, that there are specifi c characteristics in the support to those Regimes in each country. This creates an aggregation of values which is specifi c to each of those Regimes. English version: Welfare Regimes and Values in Europe.
View on reis. More Info: with Calzada, I. Social Policy , Welfare State , and Social sciences and values. It traces the dynamics of decentralization in both states and addresses a puzzle on reversible Russia and irreversible Spain It traces the dynamics of decentralization in both states and addresses a puzzle on reversible Russia and irreversible Spain outcomes of territorial reforms and regime transition. Among other explanatory factors, this article argues that the role of the political parties as mediating actors —proactive or reactive— has been crucial in shaping institutional building in both countries.
Concluding remarks envisage some scenarios of further territorial developments in comparative perspective. On the basis of previous research on twelve federal The last section of this chapter illustrates federal experiences by reviewing arrangements concerning ethnonational, linguistic, religious, and multiculturalist diversities provided by the cases under observation. Concluding remarks point out that federal governance can be useful not just for territorially concentrated diversities—the main focus of this chapter—but increasingly for new non-territorial diversity as well.
More Info: Published in in Michelle H. Williams ed. Ethnoterritorial competition and accommodation in Spain more. It is concluded that ethnoterritorial co-operation and agreement can overcome not only conflicts and divergence within multinational polities, but may also foster a deepening of democracy. View on ifl. Europeanization and Spanish welfare: the case of employment policy more. Europeanization has particularly been meaningful given the Spanish historical context, something which has involved incorporating objectives, indicators and procedures defined by European institutions.
There has also been a tendency to There has also been a tendency to look to Europe in order to legitimate or de-legitimate certain policies or political proposals. On analysing Europeanization, the focus is not only on the socio-cognitive influence of the concepts, methodologies and indicators disseminated by European institutions, but also on the role played by the coalitions of actors and institutions and on how social actors mobilise and instrumentalise cognitive and normative frameworks in policy-making. View on ashgate. Spain's membership in the EU and the European welfare state more.
Figures of economic growth are significant in this respect: in the per head income in purchasing power parity PPP was Social spending has grown at both a quicker and higher pace as compared to other European countries. This paper reviews social developments in Spain having as analytical reference the European welfare state in its diverse institutionalizations. Spanish welfare state appears as a via media between corporatist Continental, liberal Anglo-Saxon, and social-democratic Nordic worlds of welfare capitalism.
Miami, FL: University of Miami, pp. View on as. Entre sus objetos y sujetos de estudio principales se pueden identificar las More Info: Published in Giner, Salvador coord. View on jusap. View on fundacionluisvives. Nationalism and democracy represent two of the most important processes and powerful ideas of contemporary politics. Both as ideological forces and institutional programmes, nationalism and democracy have not always pull in the same Both as ideological forces and institutional programmes, nationalism and democracy have not always pull in the same direction, although they both feature common claims to individuals and people.
Nationalism sometimes appears to be fully congruent with democracy as it speaks of freedom, equality and progress, and galvanizes the positive energy of whole societies. At other times, nationalism and democracy seem almost antithetical, with the former producing mechanisms of exclusion and sentiments of intolerance, and the latter constraining its definition to instrumental mechanisms of a majoritarian representation. The relationship between nationalism and democracy is therefore not only multi-faceted but also full of tensions and paradoxes.
Dichotomies, Complementarities, Oppositions, pp. The contributions in this book sought to shed light on the complex and tension-filled relationship between nationalism and democracy. For most of the authors, the starting point was nationalism and the question was to understand how it For most of the authors, the starting point was nationalism and the question was to understand how it related to democracy in a variety of contexts and situations. At the broadest level, we can distinguish three research orientations that emanate from this book.
The first is a focus on how democracy features into nationalism as it involves a challenge by minority groups of a specific sociopolitical, institutional and constitutional situation. The second is the question of the impact of state nationalism on democracy and, conversely, of democracy on the nature and manifestations of nationalism as it emanates from the state. The third relates to situations of democratic transitions and consolidation and involves analysing how nationalism factors into these crucial yet complicated processes. Anti-discrimination, Europeanisation and multilevel policy-making more.
The anti-discrimination stance of the European Union can be regarded as a cornerstone for future institutional-building and policy-making. Indeed, non-discrimination is a fundamental principal of EU legal order. The paper reviews the Kingdom of Spain more. As a consequence, it has implied the creation and accommodation of seventeen regions and nationalities by way of an extensive decentralization of powers and responsibilities and constitutional recognition of regional self-rule and cultural diversity. The existence of different languages, political traditions, distinct civil-law traditions, peculiar ways of financing governments in some ACs, and insular conditions of others was recognized in the Constitution.
Event Date: Book Reviews. View on recyt. Social rights and policies in the European Union. New challenges in a context of economic crisis more. La secesion de los ricos more. View on fes-sociologia. Between Decentralization and Centralization in the Activation Era more.