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Hanson, P. Governmentality, language ideology, and the production of needs in Malagasy conservation and development. Cultural Anthropology 22 2 : — Hardt, M. Affective labor. Boundary 26 2 : 89— London: Penguin Press. Harris, L. Neo liberal citizens of Europe: politics, scales, and visibilities of environmental citizenship in contemporary Turkey. Citizenship Studies 15 6—7 : — Harvey, D. Debates and developments the right to the city. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27 4 : — Hayes-Conroy, A. Feeling slow food: visceral fieldwork and empathetic research relations in the alternative food movement.

Geoforum 41 5 : — Correlations of urban forest canopy cover: implications for local public works. Public Works Management and Policy 8 1 : 33— Perkins, and P. The impact of political economy on the political ecology of uneven urban green space. Urban Affairs Review 42 1 : 3— Neoliberal environments: false promises and unnatural consequences. London: Routledge. Holston, J. Spaces of insurgent citizenship.

In: Making the invisible visible a multicultural planning history ed. Sandercock, L. Lines: a brief history. Footprints though the weather-world: walking, breathing, knowing. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 16 1 : — Being alive: essays on movement, knowledge, and description. Iverson, L.

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A Cook. Urban forest cover of the Chicago region and its relation to household density and income. Urban Ecosystems 4 2 : — Jackson, S. Reconceptualizing ecosystem services: possibilities for cultivating and valuing the ethics and practices of care. Progress in Human Geography 39 2 : — Jensen, R. Gatrell, J. Boulton, and B. Using remote sensing and geographic information systems to study urban quality of life and urban forest amenities.

Social Science Quarterly 9 5 : Jepson, W. Brannstrom, and N. Geoforum 43 4 : — Jonas, A. Greening the entrepreneurial city? In: The sustainable development paradox eds. Kreuger, R. Jones, O. Tree cultures: the place of trees and trees in their place. Oxford, UK: Berg. Kusenbach, M. Street phenomenology: the go-along as ethnographic research tool. Ethnography 4: — Landry, S. Street trees and equity: evaluating the spatial distribution of an urban amenity.

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How to talk about the body? Lefebvre, H. The right to the city. In: Writings on Cities. Blackwell: Oxford. London: Continuum. State, space, world. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Leffers, D. Governmentality, environmental subjectivity, and urban intensification. Li, T. The will to improve: governmentality, development and the practice of politics. Lordon, F. Willing slaves of capital Spinoza and Marx on desire. London: Verso. Lorimer, J. Wildlife in the anthropocene: conservation after nature.

Marcuse, P. From critical urban theory to the right to the city. City 13 2—3 : — Mawdsley, E. In: The new middle classes eds. Meier, L. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands. Mears, A. Working for free in the VIP: relational work and the production of consent. American Sociological Review 80 6 : — Measham, T. Environmental volunteering: motivations, modes and outcomes. Australian Geographer 39 4 : — Milton, K. Loving nature: towards an ecology of emotion. Mitchell, D. The right to the city: social justice and the fight for public space. Moore, S. Wilson, S. Kelly-Richards, and S. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 2 : — Moskell, C.

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Beyond design principles: subjectivity, emotion, and the ir rational commons. Society and Natural Resources 24 2 : — Fishing for nature: the politics of subjectivity and emotion in Scottish inshore fisheries management. Environment and Planning A 45 10 : — Pearce, L. Davison, and J. Personal encounters with trees: the lived significance of the private urban forest. Pearsall, H. From brown to green? Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28 5 : — This book takes up that challenge by establishing theoretical models for what does and does not constitute an….

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Unsettling geographies of volunteering and development

Because even though I am a Ghorkha, I have so many other friends who are from other villages. So I told them, why not we unite together, you represent your village and I represent my village committee and that way we have a stronger team and we can go to Nepal as a team.

Gautham, young Nepalese Diaspora volunteer, UK Geographical and community connectivity is strong in this example of Diaspora volunteering, pointing to the disruptive potential of the hidden geometry of development volunteering. Like the older British couple who spend three months a year in South Africa, this can distinguish them in their minds from other more mainstream volunteers and allow them to forge different volunteering rhythms across space and time.

As the man explains: You've got different kinds of volunteers — you've got local volunteers. We would be local, we are local volunteers because we live in South Africa and we go and work for them and international volunteers are the students who go out and live in the club house and I think they get a small allowance. We certainly couldn't do that.

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The story above and that of Diaspora volunteering complicate established geographies of international volunteering that privilege particular categories of home and particular episodic approaches to development. In these accounts, who is local and who is international is not straightforward, and how people volunteer over time is complex, reflecting contrasting capacities to choose where and how to live, shaped by uneven economic and development fortunes. Job opportunities in unstable employment markets often rely on complex networks of contacts built up through volunteer and internship experiences.

In this context, for South African nationals, volunteering at the cheetah sanctuary has also become a step on the ladder to paid employment and an opportunity to gain practical training as part of a formal qualification in conservation. For a British volunteer at the cheetah sanctuary, it was the UK recession that initially shaped his experience. It was high pressure and I wanted to take time out. The South African volunteer manager also explained his own journey through volunteering to employment in relation to the depressed economic development scenario in his country.

Having dropped out of university to take up his current full time paid position, he explained: [I am] turning 22 with lots of responsibilities [smiles]. Obviously what I studied was not what I was interested in. Now I'm intending maybe to do a degree in field guiding … [My parents] were not keen when I was a volunteer. Now that I am earning a salary they are pleased, finding a job in this country … so many of my mum's friends their kids don't have jobs. So many people have degrees and don't get jobs. William, young South African man, South Africa Unemployment, of course it does [affect us] but … If the question is whether people come to the Red Cross because they're unemployed.

I am not sure. I think that many come to the Red Cross because they are motivated enough and they know what the Red Cross can offer them. But I also think that they can find work thanks to the Red Cross, because today, if you look at the working world today, the dimension of civic action, an experience in civic action is sometimes appreciated as added value in a candidate's profile when compared to a candidate who has no experience in civic action, in the culture of civic action.

Olivier, Red Cross programme manager, Cameroon. Global Review interview Another thing is that what is happening to us, the same beneficiaries, the people that we support, the people that we serve, are the ones that can come and volunteer, but yet they have to have jobs, because they need an income.

So this again affects our better quality and our level of volunteerism that we attract. Anna, Red Cross programme manager, Belize. These orderings transcend, as well as entrench, established spatial, temporal and institutional imaginaries. Referring to his own future life plans, the South African volunteer manager indicates that such agency is not easily spatially contained. In the following quotation he emphasises the potential mobilities and economies of solidarity that can be forged through volunteering.

I don't see this place as a stepping stone. It might work out if things work out. But if I can't see how things can work out in this country then I have a European passport so maybe I'll go to a zoo there. I have a lot of friends around the world now, especially when I was a volunteer and not their boss. If I ever have to go anywhere, I won't have to pay! These examples above suggest that the mobilities afforded by international volunteering, which are deemed so central to its impacts, need to be located within a more nuanced understanding of contemporary patterns of mobility and encounter.

It fails to capture the very ordinary aspects of volunteering and tends to privilege accounts of the young northern volunteer, while ignoring the similar dynamics at work among and between diverse volunteers in other settings. Furthermore, such an emphasis obscures the more complex and fluid relationalities of volunteering and development throughout people's lives. The quotation below, from a volunteer in Sierra Leone talking with an IFRC staff member in , also reminds us that there is more to consider in the topography of volunteering and development than the privileging of mobility.

I would be dead now if it weren't for the Red Cross. I would have been killed in the war but because I was volunteering for the Red Cross, I was spared. I owe my life to the Red Cross and I'll never leave. Such biographies are an important counter to the potential fetishisation of planned mobility in volunteering and development literatures to date; such movements between national settings have often obscured the more complex mobilities and fixings and individual, institutional and organisational comings together that shape contemporary volunteering and development spaces.

Financial, cultural, political and emotional investments in a partial geography of volunteering have produced a dominant set of policy debates, initiatives and intellectual framings. To date, the South and development have often been packaged together, economically distinguished and spatially separated out from the North, frequently constituted as a contained space that particular types of volunteers are able to step into and out of.

In this paper we have sought to unsettle this geography of volunteering and development by offering two new conceptual interventions, which call for greater attention to be given to the more complex relationalities and temporalities of volunteering and development.

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First we have drawn attention to the hidden geometries of volunteering and development. This has enabled us to look beyond conventional understandings, focused on narrow timeframes e. Second, we have introduced the notion of flattened topographies of development volunteering to level the emphasis on difference. This enables us to construct a geography of volunteering and development across biographies, distance, inequality and national and international approaches.

This makes visible new volunteers and development actors, and also reveals different rhythms and routines of volunteering. These categories become partially redundant as greater analytical emphasis is given to their contingent location within the more complex relationalities of development over time. Volume 43 , Issue 1. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username.

Geography Directions Geo Blog. Nina Laurie Corresponding Author E-mail address: nina. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. Please review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article. Abstract This article critically examines the geography of volunteering in relation to international development. Nina Laurie and Matt Baillie Smith. Ansell, N.

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